as to open a communication between the city and the suburbs, in which the king's troops are quartered. The duke of Argyle, in arguing against this bill, said, he could not think of a proceeding more harsh or unprecedented than the present, as he believed there was no instance of the whole weight of parliamentary indignation, for such he called a proceeding by a bill ex post facto, falling upon any single person, far less upon any community for crimes that were within the reach of the inferior courts of justice: for this reason he observed, that, if the lord-provost and citizens of Edinburgh should suffer in the terms of the present bill, they would suffer by a cruel, unjust, and fantastical proceeding; a proceeding of which the worst use might be made, if ever the nation should have the misfortune to fall under a partial, self-interested administration. He told them he sat in the parliament of Scotland when that part of the treaty of union relating to the privileges of the royal burghs was settled on the same footing as religion; that is, they were made unalterable by any subsequent parliament of Great Britain. Notwithstanding the eloand warmth of his remonstrance, the bill was quence sent down to the house of commons, where it produced a violent contest. The commons set on foot a severe scrutiny into the particular circumstances that preceded and attended the murder of Porteous: from the examination of the witnesses it appeared, that no freeman or citizen of Edinburgh was concerned in the riot, which was chiefly composed of country people, excited by the relations of some unhappy persons whom Porteous and his men had slain at the execution of the smuggler: and these were assisted by 'prentice boys and the lowest class of vagabonds that happened to be at Edinburgh: that the lord-provost had taken all the precautions to prevent mischief that his reflection suggested: that he even exposed his person to the rage of the multitude, in his endeavour to disperse them; and that, if he had done

amiss, he erred from want of judgment rather than from want of inclination to protect the unhappy Porteous. It likewise appeared, that Mr. Lindsay, member for the city of Edinburgh, had gone in person to general Moyle, commander of the forces in North Britain, informed him of the riot, implored his immediate assistance, and promised to conduct his troops into the city; and that his suit was rejected, because he could not produce a written order from the magistracy, which he neither could have obtained in such confusion, nor ventured to carry about his person through the midst of an enraged populace. The Scottish members exerted themselves with uncommon vivacity in defence of their capital. They were joined by sir John Barnard, lord Cornbury, Mr. Shippen, and Mr. Oglethorpe. Lord Polwarth declared, that if any gentleman would shew where one argument in the charge against the lord-provost and the city of Edinburgh had been proved, he would that instant give his vote for the commitment of the bill. He said, if gentlemen would lay their hands upon their hearts, and ask themselves, whether they would have voted in this manner had the case of Edinburgh been that of the city of Bristol, York, or Norwich, he was persuaded they would have required that every tittle of the charge against them should have been fully and undeniably proved. Some amendments and mitigations being inserted in the bill, it passed the house, was sent back to the lords, who agreed to the alterations, and then received the royal

assent.

§ XXXVIII. The next effort of the minister was obliquely levelled at the liberty of the press, which it was much for his interest to abridge. The errors of his conduct, the mystery of that corruption which he had so successfully reduced to a system, and all the blemishes of his administration, had been exposed and ridiculed, not only in political periodical writings produced by the most eminent hands, but likewise in a succession of thea

trical pieces, which met with uncommon success among the people. He either wanted judgment to distinguish men of genius, or could find none that would engage in his service he therefore employed a set of wretched authors, void of understanding and ingenuity. They undertook the defence of his ministry, and answered the animadversions of his antagonists. The match was so extremely unequal, that, instead of justifying his conduct, they exposed it to additional ridicule and contempt; and he saw himself in danger of being despised by the whole nation. He resolved to seize the first opportunity to choke those canals through which the torrent of censure had flowed upon his character. The manager of a playhouse communicated to him a manuscript farce, entitled, "The Golden Rump," which was fraught with treason and abuse upon the government, and had been presented to the stage for exhibition. This performance was produced in the house of commons. The minister descanted upon the insolence, the malice, the immorality, and the seditious calumny, which had been of late propagated in theatrical pieces. A bill was brought in to limit the number of playhouses; to subject all dramatic writers to the inspection of the lord-chamberlain ; and to compel them to take out a licence for every production before it could appear on the stage. Notwithstanding a vigorous opposition, this bill passed through both houses with extraordinary dispatch, and obtained the royal sanction. In this debate the earl of Chesterfield distinguished himself by an excellent speech, that will ever endear his character to all the friends of genius and literature, to all those who are warmed with zeal for the liberties of their country. “Our stage (said he) ought certainly to be kept within due bounds; but, for this purpose, our laws as they stand at present are sufficient. If our stage-players at any time exceed those bounds, they ought to be prosecuted; they may be punished. We have precedents, we have examples of

persons punished for things less criminal than some pieces which have been lately represented; a new law must, therefore, be unnecessary; and in the present case it cannot be unnecessary without being dangerous. Every unnecessary restraint is a fetter upon the legs, is a shackle upon the hands, of liberty. One of the greatest blessings we enjoy, one of the greatest blessings a people can enjoy, is liberty. But every good in this life has its allay of evil. Licentiousness is the allay of liberty. It is an ebullition, an excrescence; it is a speck upon the eye of the political body, which I can never touch but with a gentle, with a trembling hand; lest I destroy the body, lest I injure the eye, upon which it is apt to appear. If the stage becomes at any time licentious, if a play appears to be a libel upon the government, or upon any particular man, the king's courts are open; the law is sufficient to punish the offender. If poets and players are to be restrained, let them be restrained as other subjects are, by the known laws of their country; if they offend, let them be tried as every Englishman ought to be, by God and their country. Do not let us subject them to the arbitrary will and pleasure of any one man. A power lodged in the hands of a single man to judge and determine without limitation, control, or appeal, is a sort of power unknown to our laws, inconsistent with our constitution. It is a higher, a more absolute power than we trust even to the king himself; and, therefore, I must think we ought not to vest any such power in his majesty's lordchamberlain." His arguments had no effect, though the house admired his elocution; and the playhouse bill passed into a law. On the 21st day of June, the king made a short speech to both houses, and the lord-chancellor prorogued the parliament.

CHAP. VI.

§ I. The Russians take Oczakow-II. Death of Gaston de Medicis, duke of Tuscany-§ III. Death of Caroline, queen-consort of England - IV Dispute in parliament about the standing army-§ V. Spanish depredations-§ VI. Motives of the minister for avoiding a war—§ VII. Address to the king on the subject of the depredations-§ VIII. Bill for securing the trade of his majesty's subjects in America-§ IX. Debates in the house of lords-§ X Birth of prince George. Admiral Haddock sails with a squadron to the Mediterranean-§ XI. Progress of the war against the Turks-§ XII. Dispute and rupture between Hanover and Denmark—§ XIII. Sir Robert Walpole extols the convention in the house of commons-§ XIV. Motion for an address, that the representations, letters, &c. relating to the Spanish depredations should be laid before the house-§ XV. Petitions against the convention-§ XVI. Substance of that agreement-§ XVII. Debate in the house of commons on the convention-§ XVIII. Secession of the chief members in the opposition—§ XIX. Debate in the house of lords upon an address to his majesty touching the convention-§ XX. Message from the throne touching a subsidy to Denmark, and a power to augment the forces of the kingdom-§ XXI. Parliament prorogued§ XXII. The king of Spain publishes a manifesto-§ XXIII. The emperor and the czarina conclude a peace with the Turks—§ XXIV. Preparations for war in England-§ XXV. Apology in the house of commons for the seceding members-§ XXVI. Pension bill revived, and lost-§ XXVII. Porto-Bello taken by admiral Vernon—§ XXVIII. Hard frost-§ XXIX. Marriage of the princess Mary to the prince of Hesse-§ XXX. Strong armament sent to the West Indies— § XXXI. Death of the emperor and czarina-§ XXXII. Proceedings in parliament—§ XXXIII. Seamen's bill-§ XXXIV. Discontents against the ministry-§ XXXV. Motion for removing sir Robert Walpole from his majesty's councils and presence for ever—§ XXXVI. Debate on the mutiny bill—§ XXXVII. Proceedings in the house of lords-§ XXXVIII. Close of the last session of this parliament.

§ I. A CONGRESS had been opened at Niemerow in Poland, to compromise the differences between the czarina and the grand seignior; but this proving ineffectual, the emperor declared war against the Turks, and demanded assistance from the diet of the empire. He concerted the operations of the campaign with the empress of Muscovy. It was agreed, that the imperialists under count Seckendorf should attack Widin in Servia, while the Russians, commanded by count de Munich, should penetrate to the Ukraine, and besiege Oczakow,