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flag has made itself respected throughout the seas; and where it has encountered that of Spain, it has left a monument of the superiority which it derives from the valour of its sailors. The Executive has adopted measures for fixing the strength of our navy, as well on our rivers and coasts as on the high seas, and for laying aside such vessels as occasion immense expenses, without being of the slightest service. Little, however, can be done in this department, unless education be encouraged among our naval officers, and until the laws to which I have elsewhere referred be enforced. Naval instruction is taught in Carthagena and Guayaquil, as far as the small funds which the Executive can supply for this purpose will permit; but it can make but little progress until warmly protected by Congress. Having already represented the state of the army to Congress in my former messages, pointing out such laws as appeared to me necessary and just, I shall content myself with naming the subject, in the hope that during the present session you will take this interesting object into your consideration.


the laws; free exercise of the liberty of the press; the dissemination and advancement of public education; well-founded hopes of improvement in the state of our treasury; an army covered with laurels, and zealously devoted to the cause of independence and liberty; together with sufficient resources for supporting, under every event, our dignity, our government, and our laws. It belongs to you, gentlemen, to remove such obstacles as impede the rapid march of the republic to its height of prosperity, and to reform those errors which the public voice and your own judgments condemn. If we take retrospective view, and contemplate what Colombia was when she published her code, we shall recognize with surprise the grand career we have since run, and the enormous difficulties we have surmounted. This reflection should animate us to persevere with zeal, honour, and patriotism in the exercise of our respective faculties. The Executive has reason to expect these virtues from the representatives who compose the legislative assemblies, and you may rely confidently on receiving from me such assistance as my experience in the administration may enable me to afford; and above all, the strictest punctuality in the execution of your wise resolves.

Such is the state of our republic in the various branches of its administration: possessing friendship and good intelligence with American and foreign governments; regularity in its conventions and treaties; order and tranquillity at home; respect and submission to Bogota, Jan. 2, 1825—15.



The treaty which has been ratified between the Republic of Colombia and the United States con

tains the following articles, establishing the principle that free ships make free goods :

Art. 12.-It shall be lawful for the citizens of the United States of America and the republic of Colombia to sail with their ships, with all manner of liberty and security, (no distinction being made who are the proprietors of the merchandises laden thereon,) from any port to the places of those who now are or hereafter shall be at enmity with either of the contracting parties. It shall likewise be lawful for the citizens aforesaid to sail with the ships and merchandises before-mentioned, and to trade with the same liberty and security from the places, ports, and havens, of those who are enemies of both or either party, without any opposition or disturbance whatsoever, not only directly from the places of the enemy, before-mentioned, to neutral places, but also from one place belonging to an enemy to another place belonging to enemy, whether they be under the jurisdiction of one power, or under several. And it is hereby stipulated, that free ships shall also give freedom to goods, and that every thing shall be deemed free and exempt, which shall be found on board the ships belonging to the citizens of either of the contracting parties, although the whole lading, or any part thereof, should appertain to the enemies of either, contraband goods being always excepted. It is also agreed, in like manner, that the same liberty be extended to persons who are on board a free ship, with this effect-that although they be enemies to both or either party, they are not to be taken out of that free ship, unless they are officers or soldiers, and in the actual service of the enemies. Provided, however, and it is hereby agreed, that the stipulations in this article contained, declaring that the flag

shall cover the property, shall be understood as applying to those powers only who recognize this principle; but if either of the two contracting parties shall be at war with a third, and the other neutral, the flag of the neutral shall cover the property of enemies whose governments acknowledge this principle, and not of others.

Art. 13.-It is likewise agreed, that in the case where the neutral flag of one of the contracting parties shall protect the property of the enemies of the other, by virtue of the above stipulation, it shall always be understood that the neutral property found on board such enemy's vessels shall be held and considered as enemy's property, and as such shall be liable to detention and confiscation, except such property as was put on board such vessel before the declaration of war, or even afterwards, if it were done without the knowledge of it; but the contracting parties agree, that two months having elapsed after the declaration, their citizens shall not plead ignorance thereof. the contrary, if the flag of the neutral does not protect the enemy's property, in that case the goods and merchandises of the neutral, embarked in such enemy's ship, shall be free.


There are some exceptions on the subject of goods contraband of war. Regulations are also made respecting the search of vessels in time of war; but it is agreed that these stipulations shall refer only to those vessels which sail without convoy, and that "when said vessels shall be under convoy, the verbal declaration of the commander of the convoy, on his word of honour, that the vessels under his protection belong to the nation whose flag he carries, and when they are bound

to an enemy's port, that they have no contraband goods on board, shall be sufficient."

It contains also the following articles which are not usual in treaties:


Art. 22. Whenever one of the contracting parties shall be engaged in war with another state, no citizen of the other contracting party shall accept a commission, or letter of marque, for the purpose of assisting or co-operating hostilely, with the said enemy, against the said party so at war, under the pain of being treated as a pirate.

Art. 23.If, by any fatality which cannot be expected, and which God forbid, the two contracting parties shall be engaged in a war with each other, they have agreed, and do agree, now for then, that there shall be allowed the term of six months to the merchants residing on the coast, and in the ports of each other, and the term of one year to those who dwell in the interior, to arrange

their business, and transport their effects wherever they please, giving to them the safe-conduct necessary for it, which may serve as a sufficient protection until they arrive at the designated port. The citizens of all other occupations who may be established in the territories or dominions of the United States and of the Republic of Colombia, shall be respected and maintained in the full enjoyment of their personal liberty and property, unless their particular conduct shall cause them to forfeit this protection, which, in consideration of humanity, the contracting parties engage to give them..

Art. 24. Neither the debts due from individuals of the one nation to the individuals of the other, nor shares, nor monies, which they may have in the public funds, nor in the public or private banks, shall ever, in any extent of war, or of national difference, be sequestered or confiscated.


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zation of a project so essential to our security and future destiny. The necessities of the New States of America, their position with respect to Europe, and the obstinacy of the king of Spain in not recognizing them as sovereign states, require from us, and our dear allies, now more than ever, the adoption of a system of political combination which will stifle, in the cradle, any project intended to bring on new calamities. The dangerous principle of interference, which some cabinets of the old world have embraced and followed

from its tendency to encourage the expiring hopes of our obstinate enemies, as from the fatal consequences which might arise in America from the introduction of a maxim so subversive of the sovereign rights of the people. Notwithstanding, however ardent may be our desires to lay, at least, the foundation of this work, the greatest that has been conceived since the fall of the Roman empire, it yet appears to me to be for our mutual interests that the assembly of plenipotentiaries proposed to be convened at Panama, should have the concurrence of all, or the greater part of all the American governments, as well belligerents as neutrals, both being equally interested in resisting the supposed right of interference to which some powers of the south of Europe have already fallen victims. For the purpose of obtaining that concurrence, instructions were sent, on the 15th of July last, to our envoy at Buenos Ayres, to endeavour to persuade that government of the expediency of sending plenipotentiaries to the assembly of Panama, in spite of the ill success of a negotiation entered into between both parties in 1822, for the same desirable object. We

tions towards the republic of Mexi


up with energy, deserve our most serious consideration, as much co. I have reason still to maintain the hope that the assembly of America will meet with the concurrence of the republics of Colombia, Mexico, Guatimala, Peru, and even Chile, and Buenos Ayres, if, as is likely, the politics of the latter country approximate more to our desires since the installation of the congress of the united provinces of the Rio de la Plata. With respect to the United States, I have thought proper to invite them to the august assembly of Panama, in the firm conviction that our allies will see with satisfaction such sincere and illustrious friends take part in the deliberation of their common interests. The instructions, of which I send you a copy, in consequence of this desire transmitted to our envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary at Washington, will clearly show you the principles which have urged me to take that resolution. Similar reasons have induced me to recommend our above-named minister to assure the representative of the emperor of Brazil at the United States of the good disposition of the republic of Colombia towards his master. In the meantime the government of Colombia, with pleasure, intends to send, within four months from the date hereof, its two plenipotentiaries to the Isthmus of Panama, where, joining those of Peru, they may immediately enter into conferences preparatory to the installation of the general assembly, which will perhaps begin its important tasks on the 1st of October of the present year. With the design, then, of facilitating this result, I have ventured to make them the following propositions:

had also expected, with the greatest anxiety, the ratification of our treaty of alliance and perpetual confederation with the state of Chile, of which, however we have not yet received any news. The present session of the legislature will not, probably, terminate without a similar treaty being concluded with the provinces of Guatimala, from whom we have a minister, but whose recognition has been deferred from considera

1st, That the governments of Colombia and Peru should authorize their plenipotentiaries, assembled on preparatory conferences at the Isthmus of Panama, to enter into direct correspondence with the ministers of state for the Foreign Affairs of Mexico, Guatimala, Chile, and Buenos Ayres, showing them the necessity for sending, without delay, plenipotentiaries for those republics to the general assembly.

2nd, That the plenipotentiaries of Colombia and Peru may have free liberty to choose whatever place on the Isthmus of Panama they may think the most eligible, from its salubrity, to hold their preparatory conferences.

3rd, That immediately the plenipotentiaries of Colombia, Peru, Mexico, and Guatimala, or even three of them, shall have assembled on the Isthmus, they shall be authorized to appoint in concert the day on which the general assembly shall be installed.

4th, That the general assembly of the confederated states shall also be at liberty to choose on what part of the Isthmus of Panama it may judge most proper, from its salubrity, to hold their sittings.

5th. That the plenipotentiaries of Colombia and Peru shall on no account absent themselves from the Isthmus of Panama after they shall have entered into the prefa tory conferences, until the congress of the confederated states shall have been assembled, and have terminated its session.

I hope these propositions prove to you the lively interest taken by the republic of Colombia, in seeing the realization in our beautiful hemisphere of the great designs of divine Providence, which 1 fer vently invoke to maintain you in its holy keeping.

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Note of the Government Council of the Republic of Peru, to the Executive Power of the United Provinces of the Rio de la Plata.

Palace of the Government in Lima, May 2. To his Excellency the Minister of the province of Buenos Ayres, charged with the Executive Power of the United Provinces of the Rio de la Plata.

My great and good Friend ;After fifteen years of sacrifices consecrated to the liberty of America, in order to obtain a system of mutual aid, which in peace and war might be the shield of our new destiny, it is time that the interests and relations which unite among themselves the American Republic, formerly belonging to Spain, should be put upon a basis that may, if possible, eternize the duration of their governments.

To establish that system and consolidate the power of that great political body belongs to the exercise of a sublime authority, which may direct the policy of our governments, whose influence may maintain the uniformity of its principles, and whose name alone may calm our tempests. So respectable an authority cannot exist except in an assembly of plenipo

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