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whole day, or, in other words, that the half was equal to the whole, he could not admit that the Roman Catholic, whose allegiance was divided between a spiritual and a temporal master, was entitled to the enjoyment of the same civil rights and privileges as the Protestant, whose allegiance was undivided, and who acknowledged but one ruler.

that bugbear of the noble lords opposite, the holy alliance, were now to recommend to the pope, who could say that he would not listen to their recommendation? Would any one then affirm, that a people so circumstanced were entitled to a community of civil rights and privileges with the Protestants? He knew it had been said, that the progress of education, and the march of civilization, had wrought wonders amongst the Catholics; and, looking to the present aspect of the times, it might, perhaps, appear to superficial observers, that little danger was to be apprehended. But he would remind their lordships, that the horizon was often the clearest and most serene when the tempest was nearest. At what period did the established church appear to be in a more flourishing condition, than at the Restoration of Charles 2nd ? And yet, within twenty years afterwards, the greatest revolution took place in the condition of that church, and it was next to a miracle that it was not overwhelmed, by the machinations of a popish prince, in one common ruin with the state and constitution of this country. It was not to the pope, as pope, that he objected; it was to the principle of the existence of such a power as that in the pope, and to the temporal and practical power of the Catholic priesthood, extending over all the relations of private life, and penetrating into every domestic scene.

He cared not for the speculative dogmas of the Roman Catholic church, such as the doctrine of transubstantiation, or the invocation of saints: but he could not be indifferent to the power which the pope still held over the great body of the Roman Catholics. It had indeed been the policy of the advocates of the Catholics to maintain that this power was extinct; but the very evidence before their lordships proved the extraordinary influence which was even at that day exercised by the pope of Rome. The presentation to vacant sees in the Roman Catholic church in Ireland was vested in the pope at that moment-he exercised an absolute and uncontrolled power of appointing whom he pleased to vacant, bishopricks. He might yield occasionally to the recommendation of others, but the strict right of nomination he reserved to himself. That he had occasionally yielded to the representation of others had been fully proved by the evidence of Dr. Doyle, who had stated before their lordships' committee, that James the 2nd, his son, and grandson, Their lordships held-the bill had, for a succession of years, re- held-that a Protestant succession commended to the vacant Irish was the foundation of our constibishopricks, and that the pope had tutional system: but if this meainvariably attended to their recom- sure should pass, the Protestant mendations. If, therefore, the succession would not be worth a king of France, or the king of farthing. Much had been said of Spain, or any of the members of rights-indefeasible and natural VOL. LXVII.

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rights. The state was Protestant essentially, the Crown was to be Protestant, and the successors to the throne must adhere to the same faith. But, were they to be the only persons so limited? He would speak of a king's rights here in the same sense, and no other, as that in which he would argue concerning the rights of a peasant. Was it not hard upon the king and the heir to the throne, that they must be bound to the Protestant faith, while the chief justice, the ministers, and the secretaries of state, might be Roman Catholics? Why was this? Where was the danger in having a popish king or a popish chancellor; if all the other executive officers might acknowledge the pope? There was less danger in a popish chancellor, who might be removed at pleasure, than in a popish chief justice, who would hold the administration of the criminal law in his control, and could be removed only by a peculiar process of law in case of his dereliction of duty. It was said that the privy council might be increased by the admission of Roman Catholics, and that it was unjust and cruel to exclude Catholics from such an appointment of trust and honour; in short, that a Catholic might be prime minister, and have the whole patronage of the church and state at his disposal. As long, however, as the system of the constitution was Protestant, it was essential to maintain a Protestant throne, and a Protestant administration of the public affairs; but if the bill were to pass, Great Britain would be no longer a Protestant state. The evil he apprehended from the passing of such a bill would not be immediate; but it would be inevitable, and would come upon the country in a man

ner little expected. Neither could he bring himself to view it as a measure of peace and conciliation. Whatever it might do in this respect in the first instance, its natural and final tendency would be to increase dissensions, and to create discord, even where discord did not previously exist. He intreated their lordships to consider the aspect of the times in which they lived. It was their fate to hear doctrines openly promulgated, which were as novel as they were mischievous. The people were now taught in publications to consider queen Mary as having been a wise and virtuous queen, and that the world had gained nothing whatever by the Reformation. Nay, more than this-it was now promulgated, that James 2nd was a wise and virtuous prince; and that he fell in the glorious cause of religious toleration. Could the House be aware of these facts, and not see that a great and powerful engine was at work to effect the object of re-establishing the Catholic religion throughout these kingdoms? And, if once established, should we not revert to a state of ignorance, with all its barbarous and direful consequences? Let the House consider what had been the result of those laws, what had been the effects of that fundamental principle of the British constitution, which they were now called upon to alter with such an unsparing hand. For the last hundred and thirty years, the country had enjoyed a state of religious peace, a blessing that had arisen out of the wisdom of our laws. But, what had been the state of the country for the hundred and thirty years immediately preceding that period? England had been the scene of the most san

guinary religious contentions. The blessings of the latter period were to be attributed solely to the nature of those laws, which granted toleration to all religious creeds, at the same time that they maintained a just, a reasonable, and a moderate superiority in favour of the established church. Their lordships were now called upon to put Protestants and Catholics on the same footing; and if they consented to do this, certain he was, that the consequence would be religious dissension, and not religious peace. The present system had the experience of its good results to recommend it; and he preferred it, therefore, to the experiment proposed in the present bill, or to any other that he had yet heard suggested.

Upon a division, the numbers were, Contents, present 84; proxies 46-130: Not Contents, present 113; proxies 65-178: so that there was against the bill a majority of 48.*

List of the Majority and Minority. MAJORITY.-Present.

Duke of York

The two auxiliary measures, which followed in the train of the bill for the relief of the Roman Catholics, and were intended to facilitate its progress, require only a very brief notice.

The one was a bill for regulating the exercise of the elective franchise in Ireland; and it proceeded upon the principle of raising the qualification of a voter to a freehold of 10l. annual value. It was introduced by Mr. Littleton on the 22nd of April; and on the 26th of that month, it was read a second time, 233 voting for it, and 185 against it. Its opponents were of a very mixed description: for Mr. Brougham, Mr. Denman, and Mr. Lambton, with several others of a similar mode of thinking, resisted it as an unjustifiable disfranchisement of a vast body of the electors of Ireland, and on this question were found voting with Mr. Peel and the high Tory members; while sir Francis Burdett and Mr. Plunkett were seen in

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The other auxiliary measure was, to make a public provision for the Catholic clergy. With this view, lord Francis Leveson Gower, on the 29th of April moved the following resolution:"That it is expedient that a provision should be made by law towards the maintenance of the secular Roman Catholic clergy exercising religious functions in Ireland." This resolution he prefaced by a statement of the general outline of the plan which he was to submit to the House. The number of Catholic priests in Ireland amounted, he said, to about a thousand, and that of the coadjutors or curates was nearly the same; making the whole estimate of parish priests about 2,000. He proposed to divide these into three classes, and to allot to 200 of them an annual stipend of 2001. each; to 800, a stipend of 120l.; and to 1,000, a stipend of 60%. The four archbishops were to have each 1,500l. per annum; the 22 bishops, 1,000l.; and the 300 deans, 300l. each. The total amount of ex

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pense would be about 250,000l. per annum. The resolution was carried by a majority of 205 to 162: but no ulterior proceedings were taken upon it.

The frequent discussion of the Roman Catholic question, which had been brought forward so repeatedly, that the public mind had become comparatively insensible to any lively impression with respect to it; the dissipation of old terrors and alarms by the support given to the principles of concession by men in whom the nation had great confidence; and the prevalence of certain speculative opinions concerning the origin and nature of political rights, had undoubtedly diminished both the keenness and the numbers of the opponents of Catholic equalization. In the course of the present session, however, the spirit of resistance to the Catholic claims seemed to gain strength. Though many petitions in their favour were presented, yet the petitions against them were much more numerous; and they increased in number, the longer the subject occupied the public attention; and the failure of the proposed measure was generally acceptable both in England and Scotland.

There is one remark which applies to sir Francis Burdett's bill, and indeed to every other which has been brought forward on the same subject. The reasonings of the advocates of the Catholics, if good for any thing, destroy the principle of exclusion in its full extent, and raise the Catholics to an equality with Protestants in all respects. But the details of the bill speak a very different doctrine: for they exclude the Catholics from a few offices, while they ad

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