jects for which our rulers say we are contending-and because the evils and distresses which the war must of necessity occasion, far overbalance any advantages we can expect to derive from it. Because the great power of England on the ocean, and the amazing resources she derives from commerce and navigation, render it evident, that we cannot compel her to respect our rights and satisfy our demands, otherwise than by a successful maritime warfare; the means of conducting which we not only do not possess, but our rulers have obstinately refused to provide. Because the exhausted state of the treasury, occasioned by the destruction of the revenue derived from commerce, should the war continue, will render necessary a resort to loans and taxes to a vast amount -measures by which the people will be greatly burthered and oppressed, and the influence and patronage of the executive alarmingly increased. And, finally, because of a war begun with such means as our rulers had prepared, and conducted in the mode they seem resolved to pursue, we see no grounds to hope the honourable and successful termination. Resolved, That while we condemn the war, in the most distinct and unqualified terms, we are deeply sensible of the new duties and obligations which the change of our national relations has imposed upon us, and are fully determined in our several capacities of magistrates, soldiers, and citizens, to obey with promptness and alacrity all constitutional requisitions of the proper authorities; seeking no other redress for the evils of which we complain, than that which we con fidently trust will be obtained from a change of sentiment in the people, leading to a change of men and measures. Resolved, That we view the creation of new states out of territories not within the ancient limits of the United States as inconsistent with the spirit of the federal compact, and calculated to destroy the weight, which the old, great, and populous states ought to have in the union, and utterly to disappoint and frustrate the great purpose for which they entered into the confederacy. Resolved, That we consider the employ me it of the militia, for the purpose of offensive war, as a palpable violation of the constitution, as extremely offensive to the prople, as the most expensive and the least efficient mode of conducting the war; and as a serious and alarming encroachment on the rights of the several states, which it behoves the true frends of our excellent institutions, by all lawful means, firmly to resist Whereas the late revocation of the British Orders in Council, has removed the great and ostensible cause of the present war, and prepared the way for an immediate accommodation of all existing differences, inasmuch as, by the confession of the present secretary of stare, satisfactory and honourable arrangements might easily be mate, by which the abuses resulting from the impressment of our seamen, might, in future, be effectually prevented-Therefore, Resolved, That we shall be constrained to consider the determination on the part of our rulers to continue the present war, after official notice of the revocation of the the British Orders in Council, as affording conclusive evidence, that the war has been undertaken from motives entirely distinct from those which have been hitherto avowed, and for the promotion of objects wholly unconnected with the interest and honour of the American nation. Resolved, That we contemplate with abhorrence, even the possibility of an alliance with the present Emperor of France, every action of whose life has demonstrated, that the attainment, by any means, of universal empire, and the consequent extinction of every vestige of freedom, are the sole objects of his incessant, unbounded, and remorseless ambition. His arms, with the spirit of freemen, we might openly and fearlessly encounter; but, of his secret arts, his corrupting influence, we entertain a dread we can neither conquer nor conceal. It is therefore with the utmost distrust and alarm, that we regard his late professions of attachment and love to the American people, fully recol lecting, that his invariable course has been, by perfidious offers of protection, by deceitful professions of friendship, to lull his intended victims into the fatal sleep of confidence and security, during which, the chains of despotism are silently wound round and rivetted on them. Resolved, That we are firmly attached to the union of the States, most conscientiously believing, that on its preservation, the future peace, security, and independence, as well as power and grandeur of the American nation, must mainly depend; and we are therefore strengthened in our reprobation of the nieasures of our present rulers, from a consideration of their evident tendency to produce a dissolution of that union which we so warmly cherish. Whereas in the opinion of this convention the dangers which seem to threaten the existence of the union have chiefly arisen from the prevalence of a course of policy, by which the interests of the com. mercial states have been wantonly sacrificed to local prejudices and state jealousies: and whereas our minds are irresistibly impressed with the conviction that a change of system is now demanded by the imperious law of self preservation: therefore resolved, that to effect a purpose so desirable, but so necessary, as a change of our present rulers, the harriers of party, which separate men, differing, not in principle but in name merely, ought to be thrown down, and every obstacle removed which can prevent and impede the full and cordial co-operation of those who are actuated by the same feelings, and entertain the same sentiments, Resolved, that it be recommended to the friends of peace, liberty, and commerce, who are opposed to the present war, without distinction of parties, to assemble in their respective counties, wherein such meetings have not been already held, and appoint committees of correspondence and conference, who, if deemed necessary hereafter, may meet in a convention, for the purpose of explaining and comparing their sentiments, and concerting a common plan of operation, having for its object the restoration of peace to our degraded and afflicted country. JACOB MORRIS, President. Correspondence between Sir J. B. Warren, and the Secretary of State, Mr. Monroe. Halifax, Nova Scotia, Sept 30. SIR,-The departure of Mr. Foster from America has devolved upon me the charge of making known to you, for the information of the government of the United States, the sentiments entertained by his Royal Highness the Prince Regen, upon the existing telations of the two countries. You will observe from the enclosed copy of an Order in Council, bearing date the 23d of June, 1812, that the Orders in Council of the 7th of Jan. 1807, and the 26th of April, 1809, ceased to exist nearly at the same time that the government of the United States declared war against his Majesty. Immediately on the receipt of this declaration in London, the Order in Council, of which a copy is herewith enclosed to you, was issued, on the 31st day of July, for the embargo and detention of all American ships. Under these circumstances, I am commanded to propose to your government the immidiate cessation of hostilities between the two countries; and I shall be most happy to be the instrument of bringing about a reconciliation, so interesting and beneficial to America and Great Britain. . I therefore propose to you, that the government of the United States of America shall instantly recal their letters of marque and reprisal against British ships, together with all orders and instructions for any acts of hostility whatever against the territory of his Majesty, or the persons or property of his subjects: with the understanding, that immediately on my receiving from you an offcial assurance to that effect, I shall instruct all the officers under my command to desist from corresponding measures of war against the ships and property of the United States, and that I shall transmit, without delay, corresponding intelligence to the several parts of the world where hostilities may have commenced; the British Commanders in which will be required to discontinue hostilities, from the receipt of such notice. Should the American government accede to the above proposal for terminating hostilities, I am authorised to arrange with you as to the revocation of the laws which interdict the commerce and ships of war of Great Britain from the harbours and waters of the United States; in default of which revocation within such reasonable period as may be agreed upon, you will observe, by the Order of the 23d of June, the Orders in Cooncil of January, 1807, and April, 1809, are to be revived. The officer who conveys this letter to the American coast has received my orders to put to sea immediately upon the delivering of this dispatch to the competent authority; and earnestly recommend, that no time may be lost in communicating to me the decision of your government, persuaded as I feel, that it cannot but be of a nature to lead to a speedy termination of the present differences. The flag of truce which you may charge with your reply, will find one of my cruisers at Sandy Hook Hook, ten days after the landing of this dispatch, which I have directed to call there with a flag of truce for that purpose. I have the honour to be, with the highest consideration, JOHN BORLASE WARREN, Mr. Monroe to Sir J. B. Warren. Department of State, Oct. 27, 1812. Sir, I have had the honour to receive your letter of the 30th ult. and to submit it to the consideration of the President. It appears that you are authorised to propose a cessation of hostilities between the United States and Great Britain, on the ground of the repeal of the Orders in Council; and, in case the proposition is acceded to, to take measures, in concert with this government, to carry it into complete effect on both sides. You state, also, that you have it in charge in the event, to enter into an arrangement with the government of the United States for the repeal of the laws which interdict the ships of war and the commerce of Great Britain from the harbours and waters of the United States and you intimate, that if the proposition is not acceded to, the Orders in Council (repealed conditionally by that of the 23d of June last) will be revived against the commerce of the United States. I am instructed to inform you, that it will be very satisfactory to the President to meet the British government in such arrangements as may terminate without delay, the hostilities which now exist between the United States and Great Britain, on conditions bonourable to both nations. At the moment of the declaration of war, the President gave a signal proof of the attachment of the United States to peace. Instructions were given, at an early period, to the late Chargé d'Affaires of the United States at London, to propose to the British government an armistice, on condi-tions which, it was presumed, would have been satisfactory. It has been seen with regret, that the proposition made by Mr. Monroe, particularly in regard to the important interest of impressment, was rejected, and that none was offered through that channel, as a basis on which hostilities might cease. As your government has authorised you to propose a cessation of hostilities, and is doubtless aware of the important and salutary effect which a satisfactory adjustment of this difference cannot fail to have on the future relations between the two countries, I indulge the hope that it has, ere this, given you full powers for the purpose. Experience has sufficiently evinced that no peace can be durable, unless this object is provided for it is presumed, therefore, that it is equally the interest of both countries to adjust it at this time. Without further discussing questions of right, the President is desirous to provide a remedy for the evils complained of on both sides, The claim of the British government is to take from the merchant vessels of other countries British subjects. In the practice, the Commanders of British ships of war often often take from the merchant vessels of the United States American citizens. If the United States prohibit the employment of British subjects in their service, and enforce the prohibition by suitable regulations and penalties, the motive for the practice is taken away. It is in this mode that the President is willing to accommodate this important controversy with the British government, and it cannot be conceived on what ground the arrangement can be refused. A suspension of the practice of impressment, pending the armistice, seems to be a necessary consequence. It cannot be presumed, while the parties are engaged in a negociation to adjust amicably this important difference, that the United States would admit the right or acquiesce in the practice of the opposite party; or that Great Britain would be unwilling to restrain her cruizers from a practice which would have the strongest tendency to defeat the negociation. It is presumable that both parties would enter into a negociation with a sincere desire to give it effect. For this purpose, it is necessary that a clear and distinct understanding be first obtained between them, of the accommodation which each is prepared to make. If the British vernment is willing to suspend the practice of impressment from American vessels, on consideration that the United States will exclude British seamen from their service, the regulation by which this compromise should be carried into effect would be solely the object of this negociation. The armistice would be of short duration. If the parties agree, peace would be the go result. If the negotiation failed, each would be restored to its former state, and to all its pretensions, by recurring to war. Lord Castlereagh, in his note to Mr. Russei, seems to have supposed, that, had the British government accepted the propositions made to it, Great Britain would have suspended immediately the exercise of a right on the mere assurance of this government, that a law would be afterwards passed to prohibit the employment of British seamen in the service of the Uited States, and that Great Britain would have no agency in the regulation to give effect to that proposition. Such an idea was not in the contemplation of this government, nor is it to be reasonably inferred from Mr. Russel's note: least, however, by possibility such an inference might be drawn from the instructions to Mr. Russel, and anxious that there should be no misunderstanding in the case, subsequent instructions were given to Mr. Russel, with a view to obviate every objection of the kind alluded to. As they bear date on the 27th of July, and were forwarded by the British packet Alphea, it is more than probable that they may have been received and acted on. I am happy to explain to you thus fully the views of my government on this important subject. The President desires that the war which exists between our countries should be terminated on such conditions as may secure a solid and durable peace. To accomplish this great object, it is necessary that the interest of impressment be satisfactorily arranged. He is willing that Great Britain should be |