nounce, reject, and abjure the opinion, that Princes excommunicated by the Pope and Council, or by any authority whatsoever, may be deposed or murdered by their subjects, or by any person whatsoeverThat we do not believe that the Pope of Rome, or any other foreign prince, prelate, state, or potentate hath, or ought to have, any temporal or civil jurisdiction, power, superiority, or pre-eminence, within this realm-That we firmly believe, that no act, in itself unjust, immoral, or wicked, can ever be justified or excused by, or under pretence or colour that it was done for the good of the church, or in obedience to any ecclesiastical power whatsoever-And that it is not an article of the Catholic Faith, neither are we thereby required to believe or profess, that the Pope is infallible, or that we are bound to any order, in its own nature immoral, though the Pope, or any ecclesiastical power, should issue or direct such order, but that on the contrary we hold, that it would be sinful in us to pay any respect or obedience thereto That we do not believe that any sin whatsoever, committed by us, can be forgiven at the mere will of any Pope, or of any priest, or of any person or persons whatsoever; but that any person who receives abso-, lution, without a sincere sorrow for such sin, and a firm and sincere resolution to avoid future guilt, and to atone to God, so far from obtaining thereby any remission of his sin, incurs the additional guilt of violating á sacrament—And, by the most solemn obligations, we are bound and firmly pledged to defend, to the utmost of our power, the settlement and arrangement of property in Ireland, as established by the laws

now in being. That we have declared, disavowed, and solemnly abjured, any intention to subvert the present Church establishment, for the purpose of substituting a Catholic establishment in its stead.

"And we have solemnly sworn that we will not exercise any privilege, to which we are or may become entitled, to disturb and weaken the Protestant religion or Protestant government in Ireland."

We can with perfect truth assure your Royal Highness, that the political and moral principles, asserted by these solemn and special tests, are not merely in unison with our fixed principles, but expressly inculcated by the religion which we profess.

And we do most humbly trust, that, as professors of doctrines which permit such tests to be taken, we shall appear to your Royal Highness to be entitled to the full enjoyment of religious freedom, under the happy constitution of these realms.

Frequently has the legislature of Ireland borne testimony to the uniform peaceable demeanour of the Irish Roman Catholicks-to their acknowledged merits as good and loyal subjects-to the wisdom and sound policy of admitting them to all the blessings of a free constitution, and of thus binding together all classes of the people by mutual interest and mutual affection.

Yet may we humbly represent to your Royal Highness-and we do so at this perilous crisis with sincere regret and deep solicitudethat the Roman Catholics of Ireland still remain subject to severe and humiliating laws, rigidly enforced, universally felt, and inflicting upon them divers injurious and vexatious disabilities,

disabilities, incapacities, privations, and penalties, by reason of their conscientious adherence to the religious doctrines of their forefathers. For nearly the entire period of the last twenty years, the progress of religious freedom has been obstructed; and, whilst other Christian nations have hastened to unbind the fetters imposed upon religious dissent, the Roman Catholics of Ireland have remained unrelieved.

The laws, which unequivocally attest our innocence and our merits, continue to load us with the pains of guilt; our own consciences the voice of mankind—acquit us of crime and offence. Our Protestant fellow-citizens press forward with generous ardour and enlightened benevolence, to testify their earnest wishes for our relief. Yet these penal laws, of which we humbly complain, cherish the spirit of hostitily, and impede the cordial union of the people, which is at all times so desirable, and now so necessary. These penal laws operate for no useful or meritorious purpose. Affording no aid to the constitution in church or state-not attaching affection to either-they are efficient only for objects of disunion and disaffection.

lic community-or to dwell upon the humiliating and ignominious system of exclusion, reproach, and suspicion, which they generate and keep alive. Perhaps no other age or nation has ever witnessed severities more vexatious, or inflictions more taunting, than those which we have long endured; and of which but too large a portion still remains.

Relief from these disabilities and penalties we have sought through every channel that has appeared to us to be legitimate and eligible. We have never consciously violated, or sought to violate, the known laws of the land; nor have we pursued our object in any other manner, than such as has been usually adhered to, and apparently the best calculated to collect and communicate our united sentiments accurately, without tumult, and to ob viate all pretext for asserting that the Roman Catholic community at large were indifferent to the pursuit of their freedom.

We can affirm, with perfect sincerity, that we have no latent views to realize-no secret or sinister objects to attain. Any such imputation must be effectually repelled, as we humbly conceive, by the consideration of our numbers, our property, our known principles and character.

We forbear to detail the numerous incapacities and inconveniences inflicted by those laws, directly or indirectly, upon the Roman Catho

to an equal participation of the civil rights of the constitution of our country-equally with our fellowsubjects of all other religious per suasions: it extends no further.

We would cheerfully concede the enjoyment of civil and religious liberty to all mankind; we ask no more for ourselves.

We

We seek not the possession of offices, but mere eligibility to office, in common with our fellow citizens; not power or ascendancy over any class of people, but the bare permission to rise from our prostrate posture, and to stand erect in the Empire.

We have been taught that, ac cording to the pure and practical principles of the British Constitution, property is justly entitled to a proportionate share of power; and we humbly trust, that no reasonable apprehension can arise from that power, which can only be obtained and exercised through the Constitution.

We are sensible and we do not regret, that this equality of civil rights (which alone we humbly sue for) will leave a fair practical ascendancy, wheresoever property shall predominate; but, whilst we recognise and acknowledge the wholesomeness of this great principle, we cannot admit the necessity of the unqualified disfranchisement of any part of the people, in a Constitution like that of these realms.

We are gratified by the reflection, that the attainment of this our constitutional object will prove as conducive to the welfare and security of this great empire, as to . the complete relief of the Roman catholic community; that it will secure the quiet and concord of our country; animate all classes of the people in the common defence, - and form the most stable protec- tion: against the dangers which :heavily menace these islands.

For we most humbly presume to submit it to your Royal Highness, as our firm opinion, that an equal degree of enthusiasm cannot reasonably be expected from men,

who feel themselves excluded from a fair participation of the blessings of a good Constitution and Government, as from those who fully partake of its advantages; that the enemies of this empire, who meditate its subjugation, found their best hopes of success upon the effects of those penal laws, which, by depressing millions of the inhabitants of Ireland, may weaken their attachment to their country, and impair the means of its defence; and that the continued pressure of these laws, in times of unexpected danger, only spreads the general feeling of distrustful alarm, and augments the risk of common ruin.

To avert such evils, to preserve and promote the welfare and security of this empire, and to become thoroughly identified with our fellow subjects in interests and affection, are objects as precious in our eyes, upon every consideration of property, principle, and moral duty, as in those of any other description of the inhabitants of these realms.

If, in thus humbly submitting our depressed condition and our earnest hopes to the consideration of your Royal Highness, we would dwell upon the great numbers and the property of the Roman Catholics of Ireland, already so considerable and so rapidly increasing, and to their consequent most important contributions to the exigencies of the State; we would do so, not with a view of exciting unworthy motives for concession, but in the honest hope of suggesting legitimate and rational grounds of constitutional relief.

And deeply indeed should we lament, if these very recommenda

tions should serve only to hold us out as the objects of harsh suspicion at home, or of daring attempts upon our allegiance from abroad. May we, then, with hearts deeply interested in the fate of this our humble supplication, presume to appeal to the wisdom and benignity of your Royal Highness on behalf of a very numerous, industrious, affectionate, and faithful body of people, the Roman Catholics of Ireland.

And to pray, that your Royal Highness may be pleased to take into your valuable consideration the whole of our condition; our numbers, our services, our merits, and our sufferings.

Aud, as we are conscious of the purity of our motives and the integrity of our principles, we therefore humbly pray to be restored to the rights and privileges of the Constitution of our country; to be freed from all penal and disabling laws in force against us on account of our religious faith; and that we may thereby become more worthy, as well as more capable, of promoting the service of the Crown, and the substantial interests of this great Empire, now committed to the unrestricted wisdom of your Royal Highness.

7 No. 1.

Minute of Conversation between Mr. Canning and Lord Liverpool, dated 17th May, 1812.

Gloucester Lodge, Sunday,
May 17, 1812.

Lord Liverpoo! stated to me, that he was commanded by his Royal Highness the Prince Regent to make me the following communication:-

That upon the melancholy event of Mr. Perceval's death, bis Royal Highness being desirous of continuing his administration upon its present basis, was desirous also of strengthening it as much as possible, by associating to it such per

Family.

The Prince Regent, deeply impressed with the severe loss his Royal Highness and the country have sustained in consequence of the murder of the Right Honourable Spencer Perceval, and being desirous of marking his sense of the public and private virtues of

nearly and generally in the principles upon which public affairs had been conducted.

That with this view his Royal Highness naturally looked to Lord Wellesley and to me.

That he (Lord Liverpool) was authorised to express the disposition of all his colleagues to act with Lord Wellesley and me, under an

arrangement

once consistent with their own honour and duty, and honourable and satisfactory to us.

That with respect to Lord Castlereagh, it was fair that it should be distinctly understood, that the situation in which he stands both in this government, and in the House of Commons, was to be preserved to him.

That with respect to official arrangements, he (Lord L.) would not have been the bearer of any proposition to me, but one which was understood as comprisi: g my friends. In answer to a question put by me, Lord L. stated, that his colleagues were desirous, that he should be appointed to the office of First Lord of the Treasury; and that this desire was known to the Prince Regent, when his Royal Highness commanded Lord Liverpool to undertake this communication.

Lord Liverpool added, that he was ready to answer any other inquiry that I might wish to make; or to clear up any thing that he might have imperfectly explained, I said, that I thought it better to receive his communication just as he gave it to me; and to defer making any remark, or giving any answer whatever, until I should have communicated it to my friends; Lord Liverpool himself undertaking to see Lord Wellesley.

I would only, therefore, askWhether I was to consider the opinion and policy of the government as remaining altogether unchanged upon the question relating to the laws affecting the Roman Catholics?

Lord Liverpool answered, that his own opinions upon this subject remained unchanged; and that he

I then wrote this minute in Lord: Liverpool's presence; which he read over, and suggested such corrections as appeared to him necessary for making it perfectly accurate.

(Signed) GEORGE CANNING.. No. 2. Minute of conversation between Lord Wellesley and Lord Liverpool, 17th May, 1812.

Apsley-House, 17th May, 1812, past 5 p. m.

Lord Liverpool came to me immediately after his visit to Mr. Canning, and remained with me for about half an hour. Soon after Lord Liverpool's departure, I received the annexed paper from Mr. Canning.

Lord Liverpool's conversation with me was substantially the same as that which is described to have passed with Mr. Canning. Any difference which appeared, arose necessarily from my questions and observations, which were made without knowledge of what passed between Lord Liverpool and Mr. Canning. After receiving Lord Liverpool's verbal communication, nearly in the terms stated by Mr. Canning, I inquired, (1st.) what was to be the policy of the government with relation to the Roman Catholics? To this question Lord Liverpool returned the same answer stated in Mr. Canning's paper to have been returned to a similar question.

2dly, I observed to Lord Liverpool, that he was apprised of my opinion, that our efforts in the Peninsula