this country, and the danger of accustoming the Americans to rely on their own resources, and manufacture for themselves. After a long and eloquent harangue on these and other connected subjects, Mr. B. concluded with the following motion "That an humble address be presented to his royal highness the Prince Regent,representing that this House has for some time past been engaged in an inquiry into the presen: distressed state of the commerce and manufactures of the country, and the effects of the orders in council issued by his Majesty in the years 1807 and 1809 ; assuring his Royal Highness that this house will at all times support his Royal Highness to the utmost of its power in maintaining those just maritime rights which have essentially contributed to the prosperity and honour of the realmbut beseeching his Royal Highness that he would be graciously pleased to recal or suspend the said orders, and adopt such measures, as may tend to conciliate neutral powers, without sacrificing the rights and dignity of his Majesty's crown.” Mr. Rose acknowledged that a very considerable degree of distress did exist among our manufacturers, but would not admit that it was so much owing to the orders in council as the hon. gentleman, had represented. He corrected several statements made by him, and shewed that the commerce of France had suffered in much greater proportion from the effects of these orders. Our shipping interest, he asserted, had been benefited by them, and if they were repeal ed, the Americans would come in for a large share of our carrying trade, especially to South America. Upon the whole, he would not deny that our manufacturers were likely to obtain some relief from the repeal, but government was placed between difficulties on both sides, and it was their duty to adopt the measures which would be least detrimental. In his opinion, the preponderance of argument led to the conclusion that the repeal of the orders would be more prejudicial than their continuance. The great body of merchants held the same opinion. Four-fifths of those of Glasgow had petitioned in support of the orders; those of Bristol were unanimous in their favour; and so were a majority of those of Liverpool: there was no petition from London against them, whilst a great number of London merchants had petitioned in their fa'vour. Mr. Baring, after a warm eulogy of the enlightened view of the subject taken by the hon. mover, said that the House had two questions to decide: 1. whether these distresses were attributable to the orders in council? 2. whether any benefits had arisen from them in any other quarter to compensate for these calamities? Mr. B. made a number of particular observations relative to these two points; and he concluded with giving it as his conviction, that by our orders in council we lost the most substantial commercial advantages for an object we could never obtain-that of forcing our trade with the continent. Lord Castlereagh began with lamenting the precipitation of the hon. gentleman in bringing forward this motion, and pressing to a hasty discussion a question than which none, more vital, ever came before before the consideration of parliament. He deprecated any interference on the part of the House in a question in which commercial, - considerations were mixed with those of maritime right, and, pending a delicate negotiation, dictating to the executive government the course it ought to pursue. After various observations in defence of the policy and justice of the orders in council, and in answer to some of the mover's statements, the noble lord came to the point by say ing, that Great Britain would consent to suspend her orders in council, provided America would suspend her non-importation act. The experiment might then be tried of the practicability of restoring things to their ancient system. Under these circumstances he trusted that the House would not consent to the address-and he moved the order of the day. Mr. Whitbread then begged the noble lord to say precisely what he proposed to do with respect to America. Lord Castlereagh said, that he meant that a proposition should be made to the American government to suspend immediately the orders in council, on condition that they would suspend their non-importa tion act. Mr. Whitbread was of opinion that if this proposition were to be sent out to America, and it was expected that the House and country should wait till they received an answer, it was the greatest delusion that ever had been attempted; and he proceeded to express in strong terms the urgency of the distress felt by the manufacturers, and the necessity of giving the intended relief without delay. Mr. Ponsonby also spoke against the measure proposed, as calculated to create delay. Lord Castlereagh, in further explanation, said that it was never meant that there should be any delay in suspending the orders in council: the intention was that they should be suspended for a definite time, and that this circumstance should be communicated to the American government for the double purpose of ascertaining whe ther it would in consequence ab rogate its non-importation act; and also that it might apply to France to return to the ancient system of belligerents. Mr. Wilberforce objected to the mode proposed by the noble lord, because it shewed an unwillingness to do that which, in fact, he intended to do. Mr. Canning, in giving a kind of middle opinion on the subject, contended that revocation was better than suspension. Mr. Brougham, after congratulating the House on the prospect of speedily getting rid of these orders, hoped that the noble lord would withdraw his motion for proceeding to the orders of the day, and explain more distinctly what was the exact intention of govern ready prepared to make the sacrifice which the voice of the country rendered inevitable. On June 23d, there appeared in the gazette a declaration from the Prince Regent absolutely and unequivocally revoking the orders in council as far as they regarded American vessels; with the proviso, that if after the notification of this revocation by our minister in America, the government of the United States do not revoke their interdictory acts against British commerce, the same, after due no tice, shall be null and of no effect. Mr. Brougham, on this occurrence, declared the full satisfaction of himself and his friends with the frank and manly conduct of go vernment in the mode it had adopted; and both sides of the House seemed happy in the prospect of the amicable intercourse which this proceeding would re. Store between the two countries. We cannot, however, refrain from expressing our astonishment, that during the debates there appeared so little consciousness that the question of repealing or continuing the orders in council, was a real question of peace or war with America; and that deferring the decision so long, was rendering it altogether unimportant. In fact, before the news of the repeal reached the United States, they were actually at war with Great Britain! CHAPTER CHAPTER XI, The Budget. N June 17th, the House when he came to them, was the having resolved itself into a intended budget of their departed committee of Ways and Means, The Chancellor of the Exchequer, (the right hon. Nicholas Vansittart), declared that he could not rise to perform the duty which that day imposed upon him, without feeling sensations unusually painful at the recollection of the singular situation in which he was placed, and the remembrance of the lamented individual whom he that day represented. Considering in whose place he stood, whose papers he held in his hands, and whose plans he was about to state to the House, he felt rather that he was executing the last of the official duties of his lamented friend, than the first of his own. Happy should he have thought himself if he could, at the close of the day, resign those papers again into his hands, after supplying his place upon a mere occasional absence; but happier still if he could inherit his talents and virtues, and close a life of public service with the same testimonies of public approbation, and equal consciousness of unblemished integrity. Under these peculiar circumstances, the committee would not expect him to do more, than to state as briefly as possible what, with the exception of a few particulars, which he would point out friend. He should, in the first instance, recapitulate the charges of the present year, and then proceed to the statement of the Ways and Means by which it was proposed that those charges should be defrayed. The whole amount of the supplies was already within the knowledge of the committee, having, excepting a few inconsiderable votes for miscellaneous services, been agreed to by the House. It certainly was an enormous, he might even say, a terrible extent of charge; but he had the consolation to reflect that, great as it was, the resources of the country were still equal to support it. 4 On a reference to the papers on the table, it would appear that, for the navy, exclusive of ordnance for the sea service, the sum voted was 19,702,3991. :-for the army, including barracks and commissariat, and the military service of Ireland, 17,756,1601.;—an additional vote of 90,000l. for the barrack department had been agreed to by the House; but the treasury had determined to strike off this sum, and diminish the grant in the appropriation act by that amount. This diminution of charge proceeded from a resolution to post pone the sum granted, amounted to 2,300,000l. besides which there had been voted for the present year 5,000,000l. for Great Britain, and 200,000l, for Ireland. For the ordnance, including Ireland, 5,279,8971. The miscellaneous services, including a few sums not yet proposed to parliament, and 400,000).^ for the Irish permanent grants, might be taken at 2,350,0001. pone the execution of the pro- The extraordinaries of the arjected barracks at Mary-le-bone, my incurred last year, beyond park, and at Bristol and Liverpool He begged to be distinctly understood on this part of the sub-, ject; he by no means meant to insinuate any disapprobation of the plan for the erection of those barracks, on the contrary he thought it probable, that a considerable part at least of the plans which had been sanctioned by the votes, of the House would be ultimately carried into effect; but his noble friend at the head of the treasury board and he had not sufficiently considered the subject to be able to give a decided opinion upon it, and they had determined not to make themselves responsible for works of great magnitude, and of no immediate necessity, without full consideration. It was also intended to propose a vote of credit of 3,000,0001.. for Great Britain, and 200,0001. for Ireland. The subsidies granted in the present year were nearly the same as those of the last, being for Sicily 400,000l. and for Portugal 2,000,0001.... These several items would therefore stand as follows: Navy, exclusive of Ordnance Sea service.,. 19,702,399 17,756,160 |