1 licy pursued by ministers in their connection with the Regent, occurred on the motion for a supply to his Majesty, made in the House of Commons on January 9 Mr. Creevey rose, and after observing that it was the duty of that house to examine several subjects connected with the revenue before they entered into the consideration of the supply, adverted to an office lately bestowed on the Regent's confidential servant, Colonel M'Mahon. Twenty-nine years ago it had been stated, in the 10th report of the commissioners for public accounts, that the office of paymaster of widows' pensions was a perfect sinecure, and ought to be abolished; and in one of the reports of the commissioners of military inquiry presented to the house, four years ago, the same opinion had been confirmed, and it was added, that on the decease of the present patentee, General Fox, they presumed that the office would be suppressed: yet in the face of these two reports, the ministers of the crown had advised his Royal Highness the Regent to confer the office on Colonel M Mahon. He concluded with moving an amendmeat, that the house would to-morrow se'nnight resolve itself into a committee of supply, in order to give an opportunity in the interim for the consideration he had suggested. The Chancellor of the Exchequer began a reply with some observations on the prefatory matter in Mr. Creevey's speech, in which he had alluded to the conferring of some other places on members of parliament on account of their political conduct; and after defending the ministers in that re spect, he came to the case of Colonel M'Mahon. He corrected the honourable gentleman's supposition, that the place in question was held by patent for life; and asserted, that it had been distinctly communicated to the colonel, by his Royal Highness's command, that considering the circumstances under which the office stood, he was to hold it as subject to any view that the parliament might take of it. Mr. Brougham considered the appointment as an insult to parliament, and said, that the communication to the colonel, mentioned by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, only proved that the ministers were conscious that they were flying in the teeth of those principles which had been recognized by the house and its commissioners. This observation was argued against by Mr. Croker, who defended ministers in respect of that and other appointments which had been objected to. Mr. Whitbread thought that the last honourable gentleman had failed to remove the objectionable qualities of the case in question. The principle feature of blame in the transaction was, in his opinion, that of appointing the colonel during the recess of parliament, to a situation which every one must know to be a sinecure, and therefore an incumbrance on the public purse, and fit only to be abolished. After some other speakers had given their remarks on the subject, the house divided, for Mr. Creevey's amendment 11; against it 54. It should be observed, that the honourable character and merits of Colonel M'Mahon were allowed on both sides. It may also be be added, that the general sentinient out of doors on this appointment by no means concided with that which seemed to be adopted by the majority in the house. The same subject was afterwards taken up by Mr. Bankes, in a debate on the army estimates, and a motion being made, the house di vided upon it, when the ministers were supported by a majority of 54 to 38. Mr. Bankes, however, renewed the attack in a different motion on another day, and in a fuller house, when the arguments against the appointment, with its extreme unpopularity in the nation, outweighed the efforts of govern ment, and a resolution passed for the abolition of Colonel M'Mahon's sinecure by 115 votes against 112. On January 14, the house having resolved itself into a committee to take into consideration the acts relating to the distilleries, the Chancellor of the Exchequer proposed a string of resolutions, recommending the prohibition of all distillation from grain in Great Britain for a time to be limited. The comparative failure of the crops for the last year had rendered this expedient necessary; but in order that the revenue might not suffer materially from the expiration of the duties arising from spirits distilled from grain, it had been thought advisable that they should be transferred to spirits distilled from sugar. The resolutions moved for were, in substance, that after the 1st of February, 1812, until the 31st of December, 1812, no worts or wash for distillation shall be made in any part of Great Britain from any kind of grainthat it shall be lawful for his Ma jesty by proclamation, at any time. after October 1, 1812, either to terminate such prohibition from a time not less than 30 days from the date of the said proclamation, or to continue it from December 31 until 30 days after the next meeting of parliament-that, during the period of this prohibition, the duties on worts or wash made in Great Britain for extracting spirits, and the duties on spirits made in Great Britain, and on spirits made in Ireland and imported into Great Britain, and the duties on stills in Scotland, and on spirits made in England and imported into Scotland, and vice versa, and the drawbacks one xportation, shall be suspended--that during such suspension there shall be charged duties on wort or wash, and on spirits, the particulars of which are the subject of several following resolutions; and that during such suspension there shall be charged upon all spirits imported into Great Britain (except rum the produce of the British plantations) an additional duty of 124 per cent. upon the former duties. Mr. Ponsonby then rose, not to object to the resolutions, but to complain of the change that had been wrought in the constitution, by silently accustoming the people to look for relief from their grievances in matters of interest not to parliament, but to the executive government, After a word of reply from the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the resolutions were agreed to. The report of a bill formed upon these resolutions was brought up on January 22, when, on the question that it be agreed to, Sir John Newport rose, and entreated the house house to weigh well the nature of Mr. Sinclair then submitted to the house some observations on the subject, so far as the measure affected Scotland, and contended that the prohibition of distilling from grain would be very injurious to the agriculture and landed interest of that country. Sir Geo. Clerke proposed to introduce a clause into the bill for preventing the English distillers from defrauding the revenue, on the ground that they drew more spirits from a quantity of sugar wash than the calculation by which they were charged. The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, that the matter alluded to by the honourable baronet had been a subject of long and deliberate reflexion, and he thought it unwise to embarrass a temporary system without full consideration. assured Mr. Sinclair, that he had received more applications from He Scotland for the adoption of the Mr. Hutchinson spoke with The amendments made in the committee were then agreed to, and the clause proposed by Sir G. Clerke was negatived. On the motion for the third reading of the bill, Mr. Hutchinson rose to enter his solemn protest against that clause which had for its object the suspension of the intercourse between England and Ireland, which he charged with being in direct violation of the solemn compact entered into between the two countries, and he called upon the Chancellor of the Exchequer to assign his reasons for venturing upon such a breach. He was replied to by Mr. W. Fitzgerald, who affirmed that those interested in the manufactures, agriculture, and revenues of Ireland considered this bill as a most important benefit; and he asked if the honourable gentleman would wish that the provisions of the whole bill should be extended to Ireland? Lord Folkestone affirmed that the last speaker had advanced no thing thing to shew that the clause was not a direct breach of the act of upion; and intimated, that although the Irish might not be in jured by the present measure, such an encroachment might make a precedent for future injuries. The Chancellor of the Exchequer made some animated remarks on the objections raised by Mr. H. and Lord F., and contended that every thing had been done with the best intentions with respect to Ireland. The bill was then read a third time, and passed. When it was introduced into the House of Lords, on February 3, it called forth some observations from Lord Lauderdale, who said Ledid not mean to oppose it, but Dlamed ministers for not having taken the earliest opportunity, after ascertaining the deficiency of the late harvest, of counteracting the evil, either by assembling parlia ment, or stopping the distillery of grain on their own responsibility. Earl Bathurst, in reply, defended the conduct of ministers, and said that stopping the distilleries by the executive government was a measure that could be justified only by the most urgent necessity. Lord Grenville concurred in this opinion, and stated some reasons why he should not oppose the present measure, though liable to objections. The bill went through the committee, and afterwards passed into a law. It is proper to observe, that the scarcity of grain in Ireland, of which alarming reports were given, caused at length a similar prohibition from distillation to be extended to that country in this session of parliament, after several discussions in both houses, which it does not seem important to particularize. ON CHAPTER II. Bills relative to the King's Household, and Debates thereon. N January 16, the House of Commons having resolved itself into a committee to consider of that part of the Regent's speech which relates to his Majesty's household, the Chancellor of the Exchequer rose to submit to the committee the measures which it might be proper to adopt under the existing circumstances. He began with stating the difference which prevailed with respect to the expectations of his Majesty's recovery, between the present period and the last session of parliament; and having adverted to the opinions of the physicians lately laid before them as to the improbability of a recovery, he took as his standard that of the most sanguine among them, Dr. Simmons, who had stated the proportion of recoveries in persons beyond the age of 70, as one in five. He then proceeded to lay before the committee what he conceived to be the principal objects they had to keep in view. The exercise of the royal authority in the person of the King being suspended, it was first necessary to consider how it was to be supplied; and in the second place they were to take into consideration the nature of the provision requisite for the maintenance and comfort of the King during his illness. The first object was already provided for by that clause which gave to the Regent the full powers of royalty at the expiration of six weeks from the commencement of the present session; but with the sovereign authority, the civil list would also devolve upon him, unless parliament were to make some arrange ment for his Majesty's household. In discussing this topic, two considerations naturally suggested themselves-from what sources were the provision and attendants to be drawn? and what was the nature and extent of the provision to be made? With respect to the first, he had no hesitation to say that his Majesty's present civil list, and his present officers and servants, were the source to be looked to. In considering the second point, it was the duty of the committee to contemplate, not only the probability and improbability of a recovery, but a kind of middle state, which, though it would not render his Majesty capable of resuming the reins of government, might afford him the means of tasting more comfort and enjoyment than he could partake in at present. In such an event, it must be supposed that on awaking to a sense of his situation, his feelings would be less hurt to find not merely the same individuals about him who had formerly attended him, but the same officers to whom he had been accustomed. In this view of the subject, no one could think that the double establishment requisite for |