frequency of it might and ought to be much diminished.

Mr. Wilberforce said, it was impossible to avoid being in some measure carried away by the honourable baronet's statements, at the same time he thought there should be great caution used before any important alteration was introduced into our military system. Improvements had been made, and others might be suggested; but he felt a dread of the army looking up either to the House of Commons, or to any individual member of it, for redress of their complaints. He should be glad to get the information required, but not in the way proposed.

Sir Samuel Romilly desired to recal the attention of the house to the question really before them, which was not for the abolition of corporal punishments, but for the production of certain papers relative to military punishments. In resisting the production of such papers, gentlemen on the other side did more mischief to the cause they wished to support, than could accrue from any returns, how great soever in number or extent, since it would excite a suspicion that they were afraid to make the public acquainted with the reality. One of the greatest objections to the present system was, that there was no limit to the punishment courts martial might inflict, but the mercy of the members. They might might order five, or five thousand, lashes without controul. What was the mischief to be dreaded? was it discussion? but according to the statement of the other side of the house, the discussion of the subject had produced the most important

benefits, since in consequence of it corporal punishment had of late years greatly lessened. An honourable gentleman had said, that in the militia nothing was to be feared, because the officers were frequently magistrates, or had sat on grand juries; and yet Sir Robert Wilson had stated expressly, that corporal punishment was more frequent in the militia than in any other department of the service. It was mere hypocrisy to say, that the minds of the soldiers would be inflamed by what passed in parliament: they would perhaps never hear of it; and would those be affected by statements in a deliberative assembly, who were compelled to witness unmoved the sufferings of a fellow-creature? It should further be considered, that most of those who were thus subject to be degraded and tormented, were forced or debauched into the service.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, that thinking, as he did, that corporal infliction was a necessary evil, he was of opinion that nothing could be more detrimental than the language used on the other side. He did not dread so much the dissemination of the truth, as the exaggerated misrepresentations which had been employed, and bringing into notice solitary instances of severity or suffering for which no parallel could be found. He admitted that there had formerly been cases where the punishment had been partially inflicted at one time, and completed at another; but modern practice had been the reverse. Would the production of the document required throw the faintest light upon the cases selected by the honourable

nourable baronet from the newspapers; to which authority, how ever, he gave little credit? In his opinion, nothing but the most try. ing necessity could justify the discussion of military affairs by the legislature. It had been urged, that resistance to the motion provoked discussion. How could that be avoided, when gentlemen finding that they should not have the documents to debate on another

day, took this opportunity of declaiming on the general question of flogging in the army? He concluded with declaring his determination to give his decided negative to the motion.

Some other members joined in the debate; but nothing new occurred in the way of argument. The house divided on the motion: ayes, 17; noes, 49; majority against it, 32.

CHAPTER

Shire.

Trish

HE friends to the claims of the Irish Catholics, notwithstand ing the several defeats of their efforts in parliament, were determined not to relinquish a contest, success in which appeared to them of so much public importance; and a great number of petitions on the subject having poured in from the catholics of the different counties in Ireland, supported by those of the protestant inhabitants in various parts, as well as by other bodies, it was thought expedient again to bring the topic to discussion in both houses of parliament.

On April 21, the Earl of Donoughmore, in the House of Lords, moved the order of the day for a committee to take into consideration the claims of the catholic body for the removal of the disabilities under which they labour. The

order having been read, his lordship rose to speak. Before entering into the particulars of this debate, however, we must observe, that the necessity under which the speakers lay of repeating arguments so often already advanced on each side, will excuse us from the task of reporting more respecting it than the matters by which it was peculiarly distinguished.

to

Lord Donoughmore began by adverting to the petitions which had previously been read, and their object-the removal of unjust restrictions-the revival of suspended rights. He anticipated the objection, that the question was one on which their lordships had twice decided during the present session, by observing, that in both those instances it had been complicated with other considerations of a weighty nature. He then took a view of what had been done in Ireland from 1792 with regard to the catholic petitions, and alluded to the unfortunate scruples which had prevented the completion of the work of conciliation. This topic leading him to the supposed opinion of the Prince Regent on the subject, he was called to order by Lord Kenyon, as making use of unparliamentary language. He, however, vindicated the manner in which he had introduced the Regent's name, and lamented the voluntary sacrifice of his Royal Highness's avowed feelings, to the assumed scruples, and political religion, of his minister. In the remainder of his speech, which chiefly consisted in a spirited amplification of the idea last stated, the

following

following passage was much talked of at the time, "The ministers have drawn, as it were, a magic circle round the throne, into which none are permitted to enter, on whom the confidence of the illustrious person has been accustomed to repose. Within its range the artificers of mischief have not ceased to work with too successful industry. What phantoms have they not conjured up to warp the judgment, to excite the feelings, and appal the firmness of the royal mind? But though the evil genius should assume a mitred, nay more than noble form, the sainted aspect which political bigotry delights to wear, or the lineaments of that softer sex which first beguiled mim to his destructionthough to the allurements of Calypso's court, were joined the magic and the charms of that matured enchantress-should the spirit of darkness take a human shape, and issuing forth from the inmost recesses of the gaming house or brothel, presume to place itself near the royal ear;-what though the potent spell should not have worked in vain, and that the boasted recantation of all incumbering prepossessions, and inconvenient prejudices had already marked the triumph of its course-though from the royal side they should have forn the chosen friend of his youth and faithful counsellor of his maturer years-though they should have banished from the royal councils talents, integrity, honour, and high-mindedness like is, and should have selected for his illustrious person an associate and an adviser from Change-alley and the stews--though they should thus have filled up to its full measure VOL. LIV.

the disgusting catalogue of their enormities, we must still cling to the foundering vessel, and call to our aid those characteristic British energies by which the ancestors of those, whom I have now the honour to address, have so often and so nobly saved the sinking state." After a variety of other animated references to the opposition declared against the catholic claims, and the necessity of persevering in the cause, his lordship moved for the appointment of a committee to take into consideration the laws imposing disabilities on his Majesty's subjects professing the catholic religion.

His Royal Highness the Duke of Sussex then rose, and made an elaborate speech in favour of general toleration, which was afterwards published with copious explanatory notes, indicating an degree of attention to subjects of ecclesiastical history in one of his exalted rank.

uncommon

In the long debate which ensued, every topic was agitated which had been touched upon in the former discussions of the catholic question, chiefly, however, by those who were friendly to the concessions desired, who took a wider compass of argument than their opponents, who for the most part confined themselves to the dangers which the protestant establishtuent would incur from such concessions. The Marquis of Wellesley again greatly distinguished himself by the enlarged and statesman-like views which he gave of the subject. In arguing upon the impolicy of continuing exclusions which were sure to perpetuate a spirit of hostility to the protestant church, he presented a picture of [F]

the

the weakness of that church which certainly deserves a serious consideration. "I do not wish (said he) to speak with disrespect of that protestant establishment in Ireland, whose security is so readily believed in this country, nor to cast any reflections upon those who preside over that establishment; yet I know that the true state of the church of Ireland, in a very great degree, consists of bishops without clergy, churches without clergymen, and clergymen without churches; parishes of considerable extent without clergymen, church, or glebe; many parishes frequently consolidated into one, with a common church too remote for the parishioners to resort to. Can a church so circumstanced possess internal strength for its own defence against the mass of opposition excited against it? and is not that strength less likely to be increased by arming itself with violence against the mass of discontent set in array by the intolerance of the laws enacted for its support?"

The speakers on each side, besides those first mentioned, were, against the motion, Lords Redesdale, Liverpool, and the Lord Chancellor, for it, Lords Selkirk, Wellesley, Downshire, Byron, Moira, and Grenville. At five in the morning the house divided, when the numbers were, contents present, 67; proxies, 35; total 102: non-contents present, 103; proxies, 71; total, 174: majority against the motion, 72.

In the House of Commons, a similar motion for a committee on the civil disabilities of the Roman catholics was made on April 23, by Mr. Grattan, The debate to

which it gave rise, was continued by adjournment to the second day; and there was no possible light in which the subject could be placed which was not resorted to by the different speakers on each side, though in fact the whole was only recapitulation of statements and arguments employed in the preceding discussions of the same general topic. The conclusion was, that at the hour of six in the morning a division took place, inwhich there appeared ayes 215, noes 300, majority against the inotion 85.

Thus the Catholic cause sustained a third defeat in both houses of parliament; nor did it appear that the accession of the Prince Regent to the full authority of the crown had made any difference as to the sentiments and conduct of his ministers on this important occasion.

Notwithstanding the tenacity with which the ministers had maintained the policy of the orders in council, the increasing distresses of the manufacturing parts of the kingdom, and the serious disturbances thence arising, could not fail of exciting some misgivings in their minds, and rendering them desirous of making such relaxations as might tend to open the former channels of commerce. It was doubtless in consequence of these considerations that a declaration in the name of the Prince Regent was issued on April 23, purporting, that the Regent having declared, that if at any time the Berlin and Milan decrees should by an authentic act be absolutely repealed, thenceforth the orders in council of the 7th of January, 1807, and the 26th of April, 1809,

should