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it shall possess virtue and courage to maintain the advantages it has gained, and the issue of the great subsisting contest shall leave them free from the controul of foreign sway.

It was not to be expected that a change in the constitution from absolute to limited monarchy should be acquiesced in by the Court without a struggle; and various intimations have been given of attempts by the Queen's party to excite disturbances, and to destroy that English influence through which the change has been effected. It is probable that a greater resistance would have been made, had not Lord W. Bentinck possessed, in the disposal of the subsidy, a powerful means of restraining violent measures. The impossibility of paying the Sicilian army without its aid obliged the Queen very reluctantly to leave it entirely under his command, and thus deprived her of that support to arbitrary power which seldom fails to be given by a military force entirely organized and appointed by the Crown. After all, her disaffection to the new order of things must have remained in activity, since we are told, in letters from Sicily, dated October the 30th, that the Queen was ordered to reside at Saint Margarita, a retired situation on the southern side of the island, and was prohibited from coming to Palermo; and that there was an intention of sending her to Vienna in the summer.

from its war with Russia, have afforded little worthy of record during the present year. Constantinople has been afflicted with one of those periodical returns of pestilence, to which it must be ever liable, while the system of fatalism prevents the use of any precautionary measures against that scourge; and it is said that an unusually large proportion of its population has been swept off by the disease. Smyrna, likewise, and other cities in the empire, have suffered under the same calamity. It does not appear that any thing effectual has been done towards the suppression of that formidable class of sectaries, the Wahabees. In the spring, intelligence was received of the defeat of Jussum Pasha, in an engage. ment with them near Medina. He lost some thousand men, and retired in disorder to the banks of the Red Sea, where he was waiting for reinforcements.

The peace with Russia, however necessary, having been attended with some cession of the Turkish territory, was regarded as dishonourable at the Porte, and the government gave some of the usual tokens of its displeasure. Prince Demetri Morousi, formerly Hospo dar of Moldavia, one of the Ottoman Plenipotentiaries, who signed the treaty, was beheaded at Schumla, the Grand Vizier's quarters, by orders from the Grand Seignior, as having been a partizan of Russia; and the richest individual in Rudshuck fell a sacrifice to a similar

The affairs of TURKEY, apart imputation.

CHAP.

CHAPTER XIX.

United States of America-Resolutions in favour of War-Mr. Gall tin's Budget-Correspondence between Mess. Foster and Monroe -- Animosity increased by Henry's Mission-Act for an Embargo-Other War Measures-Opposition-War declared-State of Votes-Action with the Belvidera Frigate-Disturbance near Montreal-Congress adjourned-Riot and Massacre at Baltimore-General Hull's Incursion into Canada, and Capture-Refusal of the President to confirm an Armistice-Capture of the Guerriere-Letters of Marque issued by England -American Antigallican Parties-Defeat and Capture of General Wadsworth-Congress re-assembled-President's Message-Engagements between the Frolic and Wasp, and the Macedonian and United States-General Dearborn's Advance to Champlain-Blockade of the Chesapeak and Delaware.

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Fby the President and Congress were carried by majorities, of

ROM the temper manifested discussion, the several resolutions

of the UNITED STATES towards the close of last year, it was evident that nothing could prevent a war between that country and Great Britain, but either a change in the system pursued by the latter, or a dread in the former to come to the point of actual hostilities, under the prospect of much suffering from abroad, and much discontent at home. That, however, the American Government might calculate upon a support of their measures from public opinion, sufficient to ensure the compliance necessary for their execution, might be inferred from the manner in which the resolutions of the committee of foreign relations were received by the House of Representatives, the most popular part of the constitution. On the division, which took place in this VOL. LIV.

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ble prospect of continually in-
creasing taxes to pay the interest
of these loans. A correspondence
between Mr. Foster, the English
minister, and Mr. Munroe, the
American secretary of state, was
soon after communicated to Con-
gress, with the President's remark
upon it; which was in these words:
"The continued evidence afforded
in this correspondence of the hos-
tile policy of the British govern-
ment against our national rights,
strengthens the considerations re-
commending and urging the pre-
paration of adequate means for
maintaining them." It would be
superfluous to give a sketch of the
arguments used on each side in
this discussion-arguments refer-
ring to the beaten topic of the
French decrees and English orders
of council, and which have proved
totally inefficacious to produce
conviction on the different parties.
In reality, the law of nations,
though perpetually referred to, is
so vague in its principles, and so
varying in its application, that it
can never be relied on actually to
decide points on which the inte-
rests of contending states strongly
draw in opposite directions, and
no umpire exists to whom appeal
can be made. In the present un-
happy quarrel, both parties boasted,
of their moderation and forbear-
ance; both alleged the reason
and justice of their cause; yet
both were in fact determined by
motives of state-policy operatiog
exclusively upon themselves.

When the particulars of raising the necessary supplies for the war, and equipping an adequate military force, came to be discussed in Congress, the great majorities in favour of the measures proposed

by government no longer appeared, and several questions were barely carried. It might now have been hoped that the near prospect of the inevitable burdens consequent upon open hostilities, would have occasioned a pause, during whichthe friends of peace on both sides might possibly discover some expedient to bring matters to an agreement; but just at this juncture an incident occurred which added new exasperation to the existing ill will. The President, on March 9th, sent a message to beth Houses, laying before them copies of documents to prove, that at a recent period, the British govern ment had sent a secret agent into the United States, for the purpose of fomenting disaffection against the constituted authorities, and eventually of effecting a separation in the union. The circumstance to which this complaint referred, was the mission of a Captain Henry into Massachuset's, by Sir James Craig, governor of Canada, respecting which, an inquiry in the English parliament has already been reported. It there appeared that some improper steps had in fact been taken by Sir J. Craig, but without the knowledge of the government at home. The members of parliament, however, who most condemned this conduct, agreed that the President would have acted more correctly in making a remonstrance to the British administration, and receiving its explanations, before he brought the charge into Congress; but he probably could not resist the temptation of making use of such an opportunity to rekindle the animosity of his fellow-citizens against this country, which was perhaps

beginning

beginning to subside. It was, indeed, too efficacious for this purpose; for it is said, that when the documents were read, a burst of indignation proceeded from all parts of the house. A thousand copies were ordered to be printed for dispersion throughout the Union.

In the beginning of April, at a secret sitting of Congress, an act was passed for laying an embargo on all the ships and vessels of the United States, for the term of 90 days from the date thereof; the purpose of which was doubtless to -expedite the manning of the American ships of war, and to prevent any more pledges from remaining in the power of an enemy on the commencement of hostilities. This act was followed by another, prohibiting the exportation of specie, and of any goods or merchandize, foreign or domestic, either by land or water, during the continuance of the embargo. As a further progress towards hostilities, a bill was introduced into the House of Representatives about the end of April," for the protection, reco very, and indemnification of American seamen," the first clause of which declares that every person who, under pretence of a commission from a foreign power, shall impress upon the high seas a native seaman of the United States, shall be adjudged a pirate and a felon, and upon conviction, shall suffer death "Another article gives to every such seaman impressed under the British flag, the right of attaching in the hands of any British subject, or in the hands of any debtor of any British subject, a sum equal to 30 dollars per month for the whole time of his detention.

This violent bill passed to a third reading in the House of Represen→ tatives, such were the feelings which at that time governed the American republic! An attempt was made by the moderate party to adjourn the two houses, in order to give time for a cooler discussion of these topics, but it failed of effect. The mercantile interest in the eastern states also petitioned for some relaxation of the embargo; and a motion was made for the repeal of the non-importation act, upon the ground of the necessity of bringing home property belonging to the citizens of the United States, previously to engaging in a war; but the government would not yield in either of these points. At the same time, while hostilities were impending with one of the belligerent powers, the relations with the other were by no means satisfactory; and on May 26th, a correspondence was laid before Congress by the President, between Mr. Barlow, the American minister at Paris, and the secretary of state, in which the former states the inattention of the French government to his complaints and claims for redress, and announces that he is obliged, after long waiting, to send away his dispatches without the treaty which he expected to have concluded.

The temper of the House of Representatives with respect to a war with England, was rendered manifest by the result of a motion by Mr. Randolph, on May 29th. That gentleman, after a long speech concerning the present relations of the United States with Great Britain and France, submitted to the House the following re[02]

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solution: "That under the present circumstances it is inexpedient to resort to a war with Great Britain." The question being then put, that the House do proceed to the consideration of the said resolution, it was negatived by 62 votes against 37. All hopes of pacific measures now therefore rested upon the determination of the senate. On June 4th, the President laid before Congress copies of a correspondence which had lately taken place between Mr. Foster and Mr. Monroe. It chiefly consisted of a long argumentative letter from the former relative to the old subject of the orders in council, and the French decrees, of which it is sufficient to remark, that not the least expectation is held forth of any further relaxation on the part of Great Britain. On the contrary, Mr. F. says expressly, America, as the case now stands, has not a pretence for claiming from Great Britain a repeal of her orders in council." Previously, however, to this communication, the President had sent a long message to both Houses, dated June 1st, in which he set forth all the injuries, and hostile measures (as he considered them) practised by the government of Great Britain, and still persisted in, towards the United States, and recommended the subject to their early deliberations. (See State Papers.) In consequence, discussions, with closed doors, took place in the two houses, the final result of which was an act passed on June 18th, declaring the actual existence of war between the united kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and the United States of America,

A list has been published of the votes in the House of Representa tives on this momentous occasion, by which it appears that the majority for declaring war was 79 against 49. The supporters of war were chiefly the southern and western states, to Pennsylvania inclusive: the votes for peace were chiefly in the eastern and northern states, New York taking the lead. As commercial grievances constituted a great part of the complaints against Great Britain, adduced to justify the resort to arms, it is highly probable, that if the orders in council had been repealed early enough for intelligence of the event to have reached America before the final decision, the advocates for peace would have acquired so much additional strength as, at least, to have deferred the declaration of hostilities till time had been given for negociating on the other points in dispute. Indeed, little doubt seemed to be entertained on this side the Atlantic, that the news of the repeal, protracted as it was, would arrive time enough to prevent actual war. But the first recoil from a resolution full of hazard and mischief having passed, men were brought to regard it as a thing decided, and to consider what public or private advantage could be made of the new state of affairs. Subsequent events, too, render it highly probable that the American government had anticipated credit from the commencement of the war, especially from the conquest of Canada, which seems to have been regarded as an easy task.

The first act of hostility be

tween

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