for a regent and a king could be conducted at the same expense as that for a king alone. The necessary additional expense he thought would not be regarded as extravagant if calculated at the sum of 10,000l. per ann.; and this he proposed to nieet by an addition of that amount to the civil list.

In looking to the present household for a supply to his Majesty's future servants, he should propose to take out of it those high officers, the Lord Steward, and the Lord Chamberlain, and in the room of the first to substitute the first gentleman of the bed-chamber, usually called the Groom of the Stole; and of the second, the Vice-Chamberlain. Of the lords and grooms of the bed-chamber, he would propose retaining four of each class, to be selected from the present household; and in addition to these, a master of the robes, and seven or eight equerries. The present private secretary to the King might act in the same capacity to the Queen; and he trusted that it would be thought right that the whole establishment above stated should be under the controul and appointment of her Majesty. With regard to the mode of providing for its expenses, he thought it would be best to take out of the civil list annually a sum equal to the estimated charges of the household; and if those should exceed the estimate, to defray the deficiency out of the treasury, which should state the sum to parliament, to be voted out of the supplies of the year; if, on the contrary, a surplus should remain, that it should be paid into the treasury. His estimate of the sum required was 100,0001.

He next called to the attention

of the committee the situation of the Queen. As it could not be expected that she would continue stationary, as she had done, a greater expense would be incurred by any removal for health or amusement; and to meet this and other expenses attached to the new arrangement of the household, he should propose an addition out of the civil list of 10,000l. to her Majesty's income. The pensions and allowances which his Majesty was accustomed to bestow on the objects of his bounty were next to be considered. These had always been paid out of the privy purse, and as it would certainly be thought right to continue them, he supposed there would be no necessity for changing the fund; submitting however the accounts to a scrutiny in a committee of expenditure. The expenses for medical attendance on his Majesty might be defrayed out of the same fund; but there was an excess in the revenue of the Duchy of Lancaster of about 30 or 40,0001, which might be applied to demands of that kind. With respect to his Majesty's private property, three commissioners should be appointed for the care of it, one to be a master in chancery, and the other two nominated by the Queen and the Regent.

He was now come to the consideration of the state in which the Prince Regent would be placed, having the civil list returned to him less by 100,000l. per annum than had been allowed to his Majesty. The Prince now possessed an exchequer revenue of 120.0001. upon which there were certain claims which it might be unjust to disturb. He would, therefore, propose that of his exchequer income

50,0001.

He must, however, observe, that it would be unjust to transfer the civil list to the Regent upon the supposition that it was adequate to pay the expenses of his Majesty, when the contrary was notoriously the fact. In order to explain this, he had moved for the estimated charges on the civil list revenue as they were laid before the house in 1804, together with the actual charges for each subsequent year, and the latter amounted upon the average of six years to 123 or 124,000l. annually. This excess had been paid from the funds arising from the excess of the Scotch civil list, and from the droits of admiralty. As long as there were these funds to meet this excess, it would be improper to apply to the public to pay it; and he would propose that, whilst they remained sufficient, it should be defrayed by no other; but if it should increase so as to exceed the present average by 10,000l. per annum, the matter should be brought before parlia

ment.

It would also be proper to attend to another point, which was, the expenses incurred by his Royal Highness on assuming the reins of government. When it was hoped that his exercise of the royal authority would continue but for a short period, he had declined receiving any assistance whatever, but it

would now be reasonable for the house to make a provision for these expenses, for which purpose he should propose a grant of 100,000). which sum, however, was to be voted only for one year, because, though it might be necessary for the assumption of the royal functions, it might not be so for their permanent exercise. He concluded with moving, 1. That for making provision for the due arrangement of his Majesty's household, and for the exercise of the royal authority during the continu ance of his Majesty's indisposition, and for the purpose of enabling the Queen to meet the increased expense to which, in consequence of such indisposition, her Majesty may be exposed, there be granted to his Majesty, out of the consolidated fund of Great Britain, for that period, the additional yearly sum of 70,0001. 2. That it is expedient that provision be made for defraying the expenses incident to the assumption of the personal exercise of the royal authority by his Royal Highness the Prince Regent, in the name and on the behalf of his Majesty.

Mr. Ponsonby then rose, and began with some remarks upon the complexity of the plan laid before them by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, which he thought might have been simplified, by giving to him who exercises the royal functions all that has been heretofore considered as necessary for the splendour and dignity of the crown, and leaving to the heir ap parent to decide on what is proper for the dignity and comfort of his Majesty. He next adverted to Mr. P.'s idea of a sort of middle non-descript state between sanity

and

and insanity to which the royal sufferer might arrive, which he contended was utterly unfounded upon any thing that had appeared on the examination of the physicians. He touched upon the proposed augmentation of the Queen's income, for which he could not discover a single reason; and also upon the 100,000l. to be granted to the Regent for covering the cost incurred by his assumption of the government, respecting which he thought that nothing more could be expected from parliament than a willingness to grant whatever might appear proper under the specified heads of expenditure. He concluded by wishing that the resolutions might lie on the table for a few days, that gentlemen might have an opportunity of considering the subject.

It

Of the further conversation that passed on this interesting subject on the present occasion it is not necessary to give a summary, since the particulars will all come under notice in following the progress of the bill through the house. may, however, be of some consequence to observe, that the assertion of the Chancellor of the Exchequer respecting the Duchy of Cornwall called up Mr. Sheridan, who, after reading the Prince's message from the journals of the house, contended, that it amounted to a mere abandonment, not a withdrawment, of his claims, which remained in full force.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer in reply said, that a fuller consideration of the plan, which he was aware was a complicated one, would come on at a future period when the bill should be brought in; and he then made some appeals to the feelings of the committee respecting a liberal provision for his Majesty's comforts. Mr. Ponsonby spoke again, and before he sat down begged to be allowed to ask one question, which was, whether in granting to his Royal Highness the sum of 100,0001. it was done under the notion that his claims for the arrears of the Duchy of Cornwall were totally given up and extinguished? To this the Chancellor of the Exchequer answered, that it appeared to him that the understanding of the house in the debates on this topic was, that his Royal Highness had totally 'relinquished every claim of that description.

The resolutions were put and agreed to, and the report was ordered to be brought up the next day.

On January 18th, on the question being put that the report of the resolutions be brought up, Mr. Creevey rose, and said, he must enter his protest against covering the deficiencies of the civil list from the droits of admiralty, which, he contended, were strictly the property of the nation, and ought to be brought into the supply. He also said the same thing respecting the Leeward Island duties, which former sovereigns had given up, but which, he asserted, were DOW parcelled out among ministers and their adherents, as he pledged himself on a future day to prove. Mr. Brand entirely coincided in opinion with the last speaker as to the droits of admiralty. He then made some objections to the arrangements of the household as stated by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and thought the sum proposed for the maintenance of the King and Queen was immoderate. The

Chancellor

Chancellor of the Exchequer, in reply, endeavoured to set the honourable gentleman right in some errors under which he seemed to labour with regard to the statement; and with respect to the charge made on ministers by the former speaker, he declared his readiness to give every information in his power as to the grants made from the funds alluded to, and declared that not one farthing of them had been received by himself. After some more conversation, the resolutions were agreed to, and a bill was ordered to be brought in thereupon.

On January 20, the Chancellor of the Exchequer presented the bill for making provision for the better support and arrangement of his Majesty's household, and for the care of his Majesty's real and personal property, during the continuance of his indisposition. It was read the first time, and a motion was made for a second reading, when Mr. Tierney rose. He observed, that from the papers produced it was impossible to understand whether the sums they should grant might exceed or fall short of what the occasion demanded. It appeared from them that the expenditure of the civil list exceeded its revenue by 124,000l. per annum. Whether this additional expense were necessary, it was impossible to say without the production of more documents; and this was certainly the first time that an addition had been demanded to the civil list without the appointment of a committee to inquire into the subject. After some further observations, he proceeded to move for papers under the following heads:-1. An ac

count of charges upon the civil list revenues as far as relates to bills in the department of the lord steward, from July 1804 to July 18112. An account of the same charges as far as relates to foreign ministers, for the same period-3. An account of the same as far as relates to bills in the department of the lord chamberlain, for the same period.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer had no objection to the production of these papers, which were therefore ordered, and the second reading of the bill was fixed for the 23d.

On the same day, the house having resolved itself into a committee of supply, the Chancellor of the Exchequer moved, that a sum not exceeding 100,0001. be granted for making provision for defraying the expenses incurred in consequence of the assumption of the exercise of the royal authority by the Prince Regent.

Mr. Tierney said, that the Prince Regent had now executed his func tions for twelve months, and when all the expenses attending the assumption of that office were over, the minister came forward with his outfit for the regency. The Prince had refused a sum of money the last year, how then could an outfit be asked for this year, especially as no distinct appropriation of it was mentioned ? No such was ever voted by parliament on the assumption of the monarchy, and he was anxious to guard against the recognition of such a principle.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer replied, that he had intended the words to apply both retrospectively and prospectively, and had no objection to introduce them into

his motion. As to the apprehension of its being made a precedent, there was no ground for it, since on the event of the demise of the crown, the Regent would succeed also to the property of the crown. Mr. Tierney thought that at least his Royal Highness should have been advised to send a message to the house on the subject; and that parliament was not justified in asking him to accept of such a sum unless they officially knew that he required it. The same idea was taken up by Mr. Whitbread, who could not but think it extraordinary, that after the credit his Royal Highness had gained from the country by declaring his intention of laying no additional burdens on the public for his expenses on assuming the regency, a demand should now be made by the minister as well on account of those already incurred, as of those that would now become necessary. After Mr. Secretary Ryder and Mr. Adam had endeavoured to do away these remarks, and Mr. Whitbread and Mr. Tierney had renewed their objections, the Chancellor of the Exchequer closed the debate by an appeal to the feelings of the house with respect to the delicacy proper to be observed towards the Prince, and the regard due to his dignity. The resolution, with an amendment proposed by him, of introducing after "expenses" the words "which have been or may be," was then carried without a division.

On January 27th, the order of the day being read for the house to resolve itself into a committee on the King's household bill; on the motion, that the Speaker do leave the chair, Mr. Tierney rose, and

after alluding to the delicacy as well as the importance of the subject before them, he proceeded to observe, that the papers on the table, however correct they might be, by no means afforded the information desired; for while they gave a comparative statement of the expenditure on the civil list for a few years, they afforded no insight into the state of the vouchers, why they had augmented in amount,' and how the money had been called for. On this ground he wished to have a distant day for going inte the discussion of the bill. In mentioning his objections, he began with the part relative to his Majesty's property. They were called upon to appoint three commissioners to superintend this fund, at a salary of 1000l. a year each, whence an idea might be formed of the magnitude of a sum that could afford so large a proportion for the mere auditing. He must protest against parliament's recognizing this fund, uninformed as they were of its amount and nature. He must likewise protest against the oath of secrecy to be taken by these commissioners, which would exclude parliament from the knowledge of any abuse belonging to the fund. In considering the act as it referred to the regency, he must make two assumptions: in the first place, that it would place his Royal Highness on the throne permanently, in case his Majesty did not recover; secondly, that his Royal Highness ceased to be Prince of Wales on that assumption, and of course, whatever was vested in him as such was at an end also; that is to say, the executive government would be entirely in him. But the principles assumed would be

violated