provocation. In this view of the affair, there seems to us to be indeed ground of consolation, and of gratitude;of consolation, that though acts of great and fearful violence have been perpetrated, they have been met by the decided disapprobation of all, who dare to raise their voice in such a manner as to be heard by the public; - and of gratitude, that sentiments so auspicious to the continuance of liberty have, in the good providence of God, been so widely diffused among our countrymen. In adverting to this topic at the present time, it is not our purpose to discuss the immediate causes which led to these unhappy occurrences, or to mete out to the parties concerned the measure of praise or blame, which might seem to us due, to each; but to allude to those remoter causes, the consideration of which may be more extensively useful.

We view such acts of violence as springing from the spirit of intolerance,—a principle inherent in our nature, and one which, in every age, and in all countries, has produced, and is still producing, the most bitter fruits. It consists in the indulgence of malignant feelings towards those, who differ from us in their sentiments, whether speculative or practical. It is not enough for us that we are convinced that our opinions are correct, nor yet that we have done all in our power to convince others of their error; if they still continue to differ from us, we usually regard them not so much with compassion as with indignation. Such feelings we believe to be incident to human nature, and that few or no exceptions will be found to their influence, except where moral principle has gained the entire ascendency in the control of the heart. No man is naturally patient of opposition.

That these feelings do not arise from any personal interest, which we might be imagined to have in maintaining our own opinions, will be evident to any one, who will observe what passes in his own mind. In forming his opinions he will find that he is often influenced by his views of interest, but whether interested in their maintenance or not, he will find himself indignant at strenuous opposition.

The political feuds, by which the citizens of every country, where any portion of civil liberty is enjoyed, have been frequently disturbed, afford a striking exemplification of the universality of this feeling. For more than thirty years our own country has witnessed political dissensions, maintained with a degree of animosity, which, in general, could no more be explained by the personal interests of the contending partizans, than defended by the principles of morality or religion. England has for ages

suffered from the same intolerance in political parties, and so likewise did Switzerland, and Rome, and Greece, in their best days.

The violence of those, who have differed from each other in religious sentiments, has been at least as great, and in some respects much more remarkable. Religion assumes to itself the province of controlling the affections. That differences in relation to this subject should be the occasion of exciting the malevolence of the heart, is therefore not less a matter of surprise than of regret; since mutual forbearance and universal kindness are its prominent characteristics. In every age, however, and under every form of religion, true and false, malignant passions have been excited and called into action by differences in religious faith. In most Christian countries, the manifestation of those feelings has in modern times been confined to the tongue and the pen; but they need only the removal of external restraints, and personal violence, persecution, and bloodshed would again desolate the earth.

The malign passions, in all their forms, as well as in that of anger, produce a temporary madness. The man who yields to their influence is no longer his own master. His actions differ in the same manner, and almost in the same degree, from those of his calmer moments, as do those of the maniac, while under the influence of insanity, from his conduct during his lucid intervals. Anger has been called a short madness, but the malevolent spirit of intolerance will last as long as it encounters opposition; and not only will it continue, but like the force of gravitation, when operating upon a falling body, it will add fresh impulses at every moment. Such feelings may be successfully resisted in their beginning, but at each successive moment resistance becomes more difficult.

Of all men living, Americans have the most reason to rise above the influence of an intolerant spirit. Descended from those who were driven from their country by political and religious persecution, they are familiar with its disastrous effects. It was practiced also in this country by their revered ancestors, who had themselves fled from its influence, and they know that nothing but mischief followed in its train. They have declared to the world, that all men are naturally free not in thought only, but in the expression of thought; in person and free in mind. This is the very birthright which we inherit from our fathers, - -a right to form our own opinions without control, and to speak and act in conformity with those opinions, with no restraints, but those imposed by moral and

free, free

civil laws. It is our profession and our boast, that we are subject to the will of no man or set of men; but are governed by laws of our own enacting. If this is true, we are a free people, and, in that degree in which it is not true, we have no title to boast of freedom. Under a despotic government violence is to be expected. It is violence which renders a government despotic; and whatever be the name of a government, where violence is practiced, there is despotism.

In the theory of their government, no great nation was ever as free as the American. In practice, however, our freedom will cease at that moment, when we cease to be governed by laws; all beyond this is the despotism of the few or of the many. It is sad to reflect, that we have already exhibited so many instances of attempting to coerce the opinions or the practice of others, by irregular, and unlawful appeals to intimidation or force. Such instances were lamentably common during our revolutionary struggle, and we are perhaps reaping in recent acts, the fruits of that political intolerance, which was then exhibited in a good cause, and became sanctified by its association with good principles, and good men.

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Many evils spring from the spirit, with which political warfare is conducted in some of the newspapers of this country. There is a fierce and intolerant spirit continually manifested in them, a disposition to misconstrue the motives, and to misrepresent the actions of opponents, to hesitate little in regard to means, provided they tend to elevate their party, or to depress that of their opponents. Almost every topic is, in this excited state of political parties, turned to political purposes. By such means, the vindictive passions of the public, are kept in a state of constant excitement, and though intelligent men are aware that there may be little ground for the aspersions which they witness of characters and motives, they still too often yield themselves, along with the vulgar, to the malignant influence. If we may be allowed to take our examples from passing events, what sensible abolitionist really believes, that the Colonization Society is a device for the perpetuation of slavery, and that it was not intended to promote the interests of the colored people, both bond and free? And yet such charges and inuendoes are constantly repeated, and produce their intended effect of rendering the society and its members odious. On the other hand, what man of common sense, or of common information believes, that the abolitionists, as a party, really intend to bring about intermarriages between the different races? And yet this imputation is made the topic of excitement, with just as

much confidence as if it were an article in the constitution of the Abolition Society. Who again supposes that even if the designs of these societies were such as they are charged with being, they could ever accomplish them when they depend for all their strength upon the voluntary support of an intelligent people?

It is a fearful thing to excite, by means so abhorrent to truth, the vindictive passions of others, or to yield ourselves as the victims of such excitement. It is true, that by such means, a party may sometimes be rendered so obnoxious, that it cannot survive the odium; but bad indeed must be the tendency of a party, if its destruction by such means is not a tenfold greater evil than its continuance.

The remedy for such evils as we have been considering, must be found in amending the principles, by which men are governed in their intercourse with each other. Sanguinary laws, and an energetic police, may, in a great degree, prevent the exhibi tion of acts of violence and outrage, but can never produce the spirit of peace. Mutual forbearance and gentleness need to be cultivated and practiced, in a degree hitherto unknown in the intercourse of mankind, before the root of the evil will be eradicated. Such a course seems to us to be in a special manner the duty of American Christians. The servants of the Prince of peace, should "not strive," but in all things "be gentle," kind and peaceable; "not returning railing for railing, but contrariwise blessing." They have a great work to do, and this work consists, principally, in the salutary influence of their conduct upon society.

Your policy in this case, as well as in all others, is coincident with duty. Kindness and forbearance will disarm opposition, while a fierce and intolerant manner tends directly to excite it. The only purpose, which reproaches ordinarily effect, is to gratify the feelings of him who utters them; in the other party, they either excite or strengthen opposition. Why, it may be asked, has the temperance cause met with so distinguished success? Is it not, because it has aimed to convince and persuade, not to coerce men? Where again has this cause most signally failed of success? Is it not where recourse has been had to ridicule, and to angry denunciation, or where it has worn the livery of a party? How have infidels and heretics been so often brought, in the history of the church, to abandon their opposition, and to embrace the Christian faith? Obloquy, derision, and persecution have here been fully tried, and who does not know how signally they have failed? How often

has the fable of the Sun and the Wind, in their endeavor each to cause the traveller to lay aside his cloak, been verified in the intercourse of mankind, and yet how slow are they to learn the lesson which it inculcates! As icebergs and glaciers increase and harden while assailed by wintry tempests, but yield to the mild influences of summer, so the heart of man but gathers opposition from menaces and violence, while it melts beneath the influence of kindness.

There is one view of the recent riots in New York, which seems to us peculiarly important. It relates to the character of the parties concerned. So far as has been ascertained, the assailants were persons of profligate principles and habits, men who instinctively hate all those, whose lives and actions are a standing reproach to their own. On the other hand, the men against whom their fury was directed, were in general, ministers of the gospel, and other distinguished members of Christian churches. The more prominent ones were the very per sons, who have been most honored, in times past, on account of their personal exertions, and pecuniary contributions for every benevolent purpose. They have been most efficient also in bringing to the light of day, the dreadful iniquities, which are practiced by abandoned men in the polluted corners of that great city. Let the whole land be searched, and we believe that no men will be found to have done so much, as some of these individuals, for the promotion of temperance, purity, and every benevolent and religious object. These are the men, on whom a mob, issuing from the sinks of pollution, would be expected first to fasten. A pretext is all that in such a case is ever wanting; the cherished hatred, arising from opposition of principle and of character, is ever ready to lead such men to commit the most flagrant acts of violence upon those who oppose their practices. It is of great importance, that Christians should afford to such men, no fair pretext for their violence; but it is almost equally important, that all should remember, that the persecution which public benefactors receive from the profligate and abandoned, is seldom owing to the causes which they allege. Goodness in others is what they really hate, whatever may be the pretences by which they attempt to justify their conduct.

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