try, a less taint of blood, of crime, and violence, than was afforded by almost any other example of a similar revolution that had occurred in modern history. The constitution had been adopted by Spain, and acknowledged by Great Britain, while war was raging in the peninsula. If it wanted correction, the monarch had the power of correcting it when he first accepted it. The Spaniards, far from wishing to interfere with other countries, disclaimed any such right. If he dreaded war as affecting Spain, he dreaded it still more as affecting France. Under such circumstances, every man must admit, that the policy of this country was, to preserve neutrality. But, while he said this, he protested against being supposed for a moment to admit the idea that, if unavoidable circumstances presented no alternative to England but war or dishonour, we were not in a state to go to war. On the contrary, as long as parliament refused to adopt any measures calculated to sap the foundations of public credit, he was convinced, that, if a war should appear to be necessary to the preservation of our honour, the country was in a state to meet it. Still, after the extraordinary efforts which Great Britain had so recently made, and taking into consideration the present state of Europe, it was most desirable, if we could do so with regard to justice, to our safety, to our honour, and to our engagements with our allies, that we should preserve our neutral position. The present, however, was not the time for the consideration of that question. For, whatever might be the existing probability of a rupture between France and Spain, he did not consider the door as yet abso

lutely closed against negotiation and amicable arrangement.

The lords divided upon lord Stanhope's amendment: and after it had been rejected by a majority of 62 Not-contents, to 3 Contents, the address was carried unanimously.

In the Commons, the address having been moved by Mr. Childe, and seconded by Mr. Wildman, Sir Joseph Yorke expressed the satisfaction with which he found ministers following the good old feelings of the country, and not advocating an interference in the internal concerns of another state. He thought this country was bound to show to France and the world, the absurdity, the impolicy, and the injustice of a declaration of war against Spain in the present moment. A more outrageous act of violence never was, and never could be committed, than the meditated attack upon that brave nation. It should be recollected, that these Spaniards were the very men who placed the Bourbons on the throne-who seated Ferdinand himself at the head of the government, at a period when no power could have forced him upon them against their will. And was it against such men that the Bourbons of France were now going to make war? He trusted the evil might be yet averted; for who could say, when blood was once shed, and when cannon were fired on this side of the Bidassoa-who could say that this country could long remain neuter? Circumstanced as we were, it might indeed be desirable that we should be neutral; but, with a commerce extending from Pole to Pole, with interests which must be more or less affected by every hostile movement between

the powers of Europe, he would ask any man, whose breast beat with honest feelings of independence, how, situated as we were, we could keep long out of such a war, if once commenced? It was for this reason, and because he was anxious to avert the evil if possible, by a strong declaration of the feelings of this country, that he would wish every member of that House to rise in his place, and state his opinion as to whether France was right in her present course or not. To this appeal Mr. Brougham answered in a speech which was one of the happiest efforts of his manly and versatile eloquence. Scorning the rhetorical prettinesses of antitheses and metaphors, he exposed in language, in which contemptuous and bitter invective was intermingled with sound argument, the abstract absurdity and injustice of the proceedings of the continental sovereigns, and the inconsistency of their conduct with their past actions, promises, and pretensions: illustrating his argument, and giving strength to his invective, by happy historical allusions, and communicating to his words a new power, by the earnest vehemence of manner and of tone with which they were accompanied. He rose, he said, to join with every man who deserved the name of Briton, in expressing unqualified abhorrence and detestation at the audacious interference of the continental sovereigns in the affairs of Spain; or if that detestation was qualified, it was only by indignation and disgust at the canting hypocrisy of the language in which the loathsome principles of the tyrants were promulgated to the world. But he should ill discharge his duty if he did not mark his sense of the candour of the two

hon. gentlemen who had moved and seconded the address, and express his satisfaction at what, in the House, and in the country would, unanimously, be felt to be, the sound and liberal view which they had taken of this matter. Indeed, he knew not, that, circumstanced as they were, they could go farther; or that his majesty's ministers could, in the present state of this very delicate affair, have gone beyond the communication of to-day. That communication, coupled with the commentary of the movers, would be joy and exultation to England-would diffuse joy and exultation over Spain-would be a source of comfort to other free states-but would bring confusion and dismay to the allies; who, by a pretended respect for, but a real mockery of, religion and morality, made war upon liberty in the abstract, and endeavouring to crush independence, wherever it was to be found, were now ready with their armed hordes to carry their frightful projects into execution. If war were once commenced, we should soon be compelled to take some part in it; and for such an emergency, every shilling, which could be saved by the most rigid economy, should be reserved. were bound to assist one party, our old ally Portugal, if she should be engaged; and it was not likely that she could remain neuter, if the present ill-fated conspiracy against Spain should proceed to open hostility. This view of the question it was, in which he differed from the gallant officer (Sir J. Yorke) who last spoke; and he was glad, that he could not collect from the hon. mover or seconder, the ominous words "strict neutrality," as applied to this country in the threatened contest. A state of

We

declared neutrality on our part would be nothing less than a declared permission of those evils which we condemned, and a tacit allowance of the atrocious principles which we were unanimous in deprecating. He would say, therefore, that it would be the duty of his majesty's ministers, with whom he should be glad to co-operate on the occasion and so, he was certain, would every one who then heard him to come to the resolution, that when certain things should take place on the continent, we should be ready to assist the Spaniards-a -a measure necessary to prevent evils, which even those the least prone to war must admit to be inevitable, should a wavering or pusillanimous course be pursued. Our assistance would be necessary to avert the wicked enforcement of principles contrary to the law of nations, and repugnant to every idea of national independence. To judge of the principles now avowed, let any man read patiently, if he could, the declarations in the notes of Russia, Prussia, and Austria; to produce any thing more preposterous, more absurd, more extravagant, more calculated to excite a mixed feeling of disgust and derision, would baffle any chancery or state-paper office in Europe. In the note from the minister of his Prussian majesty, the re-establishment of the Cortes of 1812 was thus described-"which, confounding all elements, and all power, and assuming only the single principle of a permanent and legal opposation against the government, necessarily destroyed that central and tutelary authority which constitutes the essence of the monarchical system." The emperor of Russia, in terms not less strong, called the constitutional govern

ment of the Cortes, "laws which the public reason of Europe, enlightened by the experience of all ages, stamped with its disapprobation." Where, in the conservative character of keeper of the peace of Europe, did his imperial majesty discover, that the constitution of Spain had been stamped with the disapprobation of the public reason of Europe? The " public reason of Europe, enlightened by the experience of all ages," happened to be that of his imperial majesty himself for the last ten years; for, notwithstanding that he had the

experience of all ages" before his eyes, he did in the year 1812 enter into a treaty with Spain, with the same Cortes, the same constitution, not one word of which had been changed up to the present hour; and in that treaty, the emperor of all the Russias, using the very word by which he and his allies would themselves be designated-the word by the abuse of which they were known-called the Spanish government of the Cortes "a legitimate government." But not only was the conduct of the allies inconsistent with the treaties of some among them with Spain; their principle of interference was wholly at variance even with treaties recently made amongst themselves. By the 4th article of the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, dated in November 1818, it was laid down, that a special congress might be held from time to time on the affairs of Europe, or, to use the words, and borrowing the hypocritical cant of their predecessors, the three powers who basely partitioned Poland-who, while they despoiled a helpless nation of its independence, kept preaching about the quiet of Europe, the integrity of its states, and the morality and

happiness of their people, and talked daily about their desire of calm repose, the atmosphere in which despotism loved to breathe, but which an ancient writer had eloquently painted, when he called it the stillness of desolation-following the vile cant of their ancestors, the allies declared, at Aix-la-Chapelle, that their object was, to secure the tranquillity of Europe-that their fundamental principle should be, never to depart from a strict adherence to the law of nations: "faithful to these principles," (continued this half-sermon, half-romance, and half-state-paper)" they would only study the happiness of their people, the progress of the peaceful arts, and attend carefully to the interests of morality and religion, of late years, unhappily too much neglected."-Alexander here followed the example of the autocratrix Catherine-who, having, wasted and pillaged Poland, province after province, poured hordes of her barbarians into the capital, and there, from the rising of the sun to the going down thereof, butchered the unoffending inhabitants, unarmed men, and women, and infants; and, not content with this work of undistinguishing slaughter, after the pause of the night had given time for cooling, rose on the morrow, renewed the carnage, and continued it through out that day; yet, after this, ordered a Te Deum to be sung, to return thanks for her success over the enemies of Poland, and in the midst of these most horrible outrages upon every feeling of human nature, issued a proclamation, in which she assured the Poles, that she felt towards them, "the solicitude of a tender mother, whose heart is only filled with sentiments of kindness for all her children."

Who could, or who dared, doubt, that she was all she so described herself; and who could, after the experience of the last year, dispute the legitimate descent of the allied powers, and the purity of their intentions towards Spain? But, along with this declaration of the object of future congresses, came a stipulation, which he should like to see some man versed in the manufactory of state-papers, compare with, and reconcile to, the notes fashioned at Verona, probably by the very hands which had produced the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle. The stipulation was this:-" Special congresses concerning the affairs of states not parties to this alliance, shall not take place, except" (and how had Spain, which was party to the alliance, brought herself within the exception)—" except in consequence of a formal invitation from such states ;”—“ and their ambassador shall assist at such

no

congresses." Now, the interference in the internal affairs of Spain was not only not "by special invitation" from, but was in downright opposition to, the will of Spain. Thus stood the conduct of those holy allies diametrically opposed to their own professions and engagements; and by such means was the attempt now made to erush the independence of a brave people!-But it was not in the case of Spain alone, that the consideration of these papers was important-they furnished grounds of rational fear to all independent governments; for he should be glad to learn, what case it was (upon the doctrines now advanced) to which this principle of interference might not be extended. The revolt of the colonies was distinctly stated by these armed legislators, as one ground of interposition; and

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ment. As well might he accuse the people, the parliament, and the crown of England, of causing "blood to flow in the palace of the king," for ordering the sentinels to fire on any person whom they might find attempting to assassinate the sovereign, as accuse the Spaniards of such a crime, for the events which happened in July 1822.-Many other heavy charges were levelled at the Spaniards, in phrases of terrible import,—as "harbouring a disorganized philosophy,"

taxes which, for year after year, exhausted the public treasures and 'the fortunes of individuals." To complete all the charges against Spain, the Russian emperor finished his invective with the awful assertion, that, on the 7th of July, "blood was seen to flow in the palace of the king, and a civil war raged throughout the peninsula." It was true, that a revolt had been excited in some of the provinces. But by whom? By an ally; by those cordons of troops, which were posted on the Spanish frontier, armed with gold and with steel, and affording shelter and assistance by force, to those in whose minds disaffection had been excited by bribery. It was also true, that blood had been shed. But how, and under what circumstances? A few persons were killed, who had first attacked the constitutionalists; in other words, who mutinied against the established govern

indulging in dreams of fallacious liberty," and the want of "venerable and sacred rights,"-with which the Prussian note was loaded to repletion That of Russia objected to the Spaniards their want of the

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true conservative principle of social order;" or, in other words, of despotic power, in the hands of one man, for his own benefit, at the expense of all mankind besides; and their not falling within the scope of those "grand truths," which, though they were ever in their mouths, were no where explained by any one of the three sovereigns. The Austrian note discoursed largely of "the solid and venerable claims" which the Spanish nation had upon the rest of Europe: prayed it to adopt a better form of government than it had at present; and called upon it to reject a system which was at once "powerful and paralyzed." Monstrous and insolent and utterly unbearable, as all these state-papers were, he considered that of Russia to be more monstrous, more insolent, and more prodigiously beyond all endurance, than the rest. It was difficult to determine which most to wonder at-the marvellous incongruity of her language and conduct now, with her former most solemn treaties; or the incredible