TWO TREATISES OF GOVERNMENT. BY JOHN LOCKE, ESQ. 1690. A NEW EDITION. LONDON: PRINTED FOR C. AND J. RIVINGTON ; T. EGERTON; J. CUTHELL; J. AND A. ARCH; LONGMAN AND Co.; T. 1824. CONTENTS. Chap. I. THE introduction... BOOK I. II. Of paternal and regal power Page 4 7 14 III. Of Adam's title to sovereignty, by creation 36 41 IV. Of Adam's title to sovereignty, by donation, Gen. i. 28... 19 VIII. Of the conveyance of Adam's sovereign monarchical IX. Of monarchy, by inheritance from Adam 59 65- 67 82 84 VII. Of political or civil society 175 VIII. Of the beginning of political societies IX. Of the ends of political society and government. X. Of the forms of a commonwealth XI. Of the extent of the legislative power XII. Of the legislative, executive, and federative power of 216 XIII. Of the subordination of the powers of the commonwealth 218 226 XV. Of paternal, political and despotical power, considered } 232 THE PREFACE. READER, THOU hast here the beginning and end of a discourse concerning government; what fate has other wise disposed of the papers that should have filled up the middle, and were more than all the rest, it is not worth while to tell thee. These, which remain, I hope are sufficient to establish the throne of our great restorer, our present king William; to make good his title in the consent of the people; which being our only ' one of all lawful governments, he has more fully and clearly than any prince in Christendom; and to justify to the world the people of England, whose love of their just and natural rights, with their resolution to preserve them, saved the nation when it was on the very brink of slavery and ruin. If these papers have that evidence, I flatter myself is to be found in them, there will be no great miss of those which are lost, and my reader may be satisfied without them. For I imagine, I shall have neither the time nor inclination to repeat my pains, and fill up the wanting part of my answer, by tracing sir Robert again through all the windings and obscurities which are to be met with in the several branches of his wonderful system. The king, and body of the nation, have since so thoroughly confuted his hypothesis, that I suppose nobody hereafter will have either the confidence to appear against our common safety, and be again an advocate for slavery; or the weakness to be deceived with contradictions dressed up in a popular style and well turned periods. For if any one will be at the pains himself, in those parts which are here untouched, to strip sir Robert's discourses of B |