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A.

PRINTED POR C. AND J. RIVINGTON ; T. EGERTON; J. CUTAELL; J. AND
ARCH ;
LONGMAN AND

J.
co.;

co. ;

Co. ;

T. CADELL; J. RICHARDSON ; AND
W.

AND
T. CLARKE ; J. MAWMAN , BAYNES AND SOX; HARDING
BALDWIN AND
HARVEY AND DARTON ; R. SCHOLEY ; J.

BOUN;
J. COLLINGWOOD; T. TEGG ;

G. AND W. B. WHITTAKER; MACKIE;
W. MASON ; AURST, ROBINSON, AND Co.; J. HCARNE ; J. BRUMBY ; SIMPKIN
AND MARSHALL; 8. PROWETT; W. PICKERING ; R. SAUNDERS ; J. PARKER,
OXFORD; AND STIRLING AND SLADE, EDINBURGH,

1824.

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CONTENT S.

BOOK I.
Chap.

Page
I. THE introduction..

4
II. Of paternal and regal power ...

7
III. Of Adam's title to sovereignty, by creation

14
IV. Of Adam's title to sovereignty, by donation, Gen. i. 28... 19
V. Of Adam's title to sovereignty, by the subjection of Eve.. 36
VI. Of Adam's title to sovereignty, by fatherhood....

41
VII. Of fatherhood and property considered together as

59
fountains of sovereignty..
VIII. Of the conveyance of Adam's sovereign monarchical

65-
power
IX. Of monarchy, by inheritance from Adam

67
X. Of the heir to Adam's monarchical power..

82
XI. Who heir ?

84

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BOOK II.
Chap

Page.
I. THE introduction..

130
II. Of the state of nature..

131
III. Of the state of war

139
IV. Of slavery

143
V. Of property

144
VI. Of paternal power

159
VII. Of political or civil society,

175
VIII. Of the beginning of political societies

186
IX. Of the ends of political society and government..

203
X. Of the forms of a commonwealth

207
XI. Of the extent of the legislative power

208
XII, of the legislative, executive, and federative power of} 216

the commonwealth
XIII. Of the subordination of the powers of the commonwealth 218
XIV. Of prerogative...

226
XV. Of paternal, political and despotical power, considered

} 232
together
XVI. Of conquest.

235
XVII. Of usurpation.

247
XVIII. Of tyranny

249
XIX. Of the dissolution of government

256

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THE

PREFACE.

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READER, Thou hast here the beginning and end of a discourse concerning government; what fate has otherwise disposed of the papers that should have filled up the middle, and were more than all the rest, it is not worth while to tell thee. These, which remain, I hope are sufficient to establish the throne of our great restorer, our present king William; to make good his title in the consent of the people; which being our only la one of all lawful governments, he has more fully and clearly than any prince in Christendom; and to justify to the world the people of England, whose love of their just and natural rights, with their resolution to preserve them, saved the nation when it was on the very brink of slavery and ruin. If these papers have that evidence, I flatter myself is to be found in them, there is will be no great miss of those which are lost, and my reader may be satisfied without them. For I imagine, I shall have neither the time nor inclination to repeat my pains, and fill up the wanting part of my answer, by tracing sir Robert again through all the windings and obscurities which are to be met with in the several branches of his wonderful system. The king, and body of the nation, have since so thoroughly confuted his hypothesis, that I suppose nobody hereafter will have either the confidence to appear against our common safety, and be again an advocate for slavery ; or the weakness to be deceived with contradictions dressed up in a popular style and well turned periods. For if any one will be at the pains himself, in those parts which are here untouched, to strip sir Robert's discourses of

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