1776.

CHAP. I. receive his debts in paper, he was authorized to pay those due from him into the public treasury; and solemnly assured, that this act should discharge him, forever, from the claims of his creditor.

We shall perceive in the sequel, that this coercive system was incapable of producing the object for which it was adopted. The loans probably retarded for a time the progress of depreciation; but taxes not having been imposed early, or so heavily as the public exigences required, the value of the money, in spite of every effort to prevent it, sunk so low, that the denominations of the bills became equal to the loan office certificates, and they in a great degree came also into circulation. After this state of things, loans could no longer be of any utility.

When it is recollected that the parties to the present war had been members of the same empire; that no practical oppression had been generally experienced; but that the contest was a contest of principle, in which a claim was resisted, in its commencement, on the mere ground of right, the pressure of which had not been felt; it will readily be supposed that some contrariety of opinion must have prevailed in every stage of the controversy. In its origin, there were very few who took a decisive part in support of the claims of administration. The opposition was made by

1776.

the most active, energetic, and intelligent; and CHAP. I. being an opposition to taxation, the ultimate consequences of which were neither generally foreseen nor apprehended, was of course very popular; and those who would not then have been willing to encounter the difficulties and dangers afterwards experienced, either joined their countrymen, or suffered themselves to be borne along with the great mass, without inquiring what would be the future result of present measures.

conduct

disaffected.

As the contest assumed a more serious aspect, and became better understood, causes of irritation multiplied, and real injuries were sustained. The number of those who were deter- General mined, at every hazard, to maintain the prin- towards the ciple asserted by America, greatly increased; but the party disaffected to this opposition assumed a more distinct form, and, in many parts of the union, appeared in greater force than had been at first apprehended.

So soon as fears were entertained that the pen might be laid aside, and an appeal be made to the sword, many were found unwilling to encounter the danger and the hazards of the contest; and to be more disposed to admit the supremacy of the British parliament, and trust to their not abusing it, than to risk every thing in order to maintain a principle, not deemed by all of equal importance. These men, who were viewed with infinite contempt and detest

CHAP. I. ation, by those who believed that to submit to 1776. taxation unaccompained by representation was

the essence of slavery, were denominated tories; and were exposed to the resentment of their neighbours, who entertained the prevailing opinions.

The nominal government not having been yet changed, and all concurring in professions of allegiance to the British crown, even after hostilities had commenced; no pains or penalties could be ordained by law for persons of this description; but they were held up as enemies of the liberties to America, after which their condition was worse than if subjected to prosecution according to legal rules, for offences against established laws.

In many places, where their numbers were considerable, they manifested a disposition to take up arms, and to enforce their opinions by the sword. In North Carolina, they collected in a very formidable body, but were soon dispersed; and in New York, similar dispositions were manifested. Great numbers of the inhabitants of what was then termed Tryon county, were disaffected; and general Schuyler marched into the country at the head of a large body of militia, when a negotiation was entered into with sir John Johnson their leader, which terminated in a kind of capitulation, in which sir John, and the tories of his neighbourhood, agreed to surrender their arms, and stipulated

to take no part in the existing contest.

The

CHAP. L

neighbourhood of the British army enabled 1776. those of the lower parts of that state to join the royal standard without danger.

conduct

disaffected.

With respect to persons of this description, General the conduct of those who guided the councils towards the of America was, at first, truly lenient. Those taken in arms, were treated as prisoners of war; and those from whom danger was apprehended, were not otherwise proceeded against, than to be disabled from committing the mischief they meditated.

Great confidence was placed by congress in the force of reason, accompanied with gentle treatment; and it was supposed there would not be many disaffected, who were not also misinformed. Under this impression, the resolutions already mentioned, were passed in the beginning of 1776, recommending it strongly to the different committees, and other friends to American liberty, to explain to those who were honest, but misguided, the nature of the controversy, and the various steps which had been taken to effect an accommodation. It was also recommended to proceed with additional vigour against those more active characters, from whom danger was to be apprehended. It does not however appear that any strong proceedings were had against the disaffected in those parts of the country where they were most powerful. In Long and York islands,

CHAP. I. where general Lee had been stationed, princi1776. pally to counteract their machinations, they

kept up, even after the commander in chief took possession of those places with the American army, a regular intercourse with governor Tryon, and were detected in plans for co-operating with the enemy, after lord and sir William Howe should arrive. General Washington, it has been already observed, broke off this intercourse. He also pressed the adoption of such vigorous measures as would certainly disable the disaffected from practising the injuries they contemplated. Their numbers, however, in that part of the country, were so considerable, as to produce an irresolution of conduct towards them; perhaps in the fear that decisive measures might drive them to arms on the first appearance of the enemy.

From the first moment that the contest wore so serious an aspect as to threaten hostilities, disaffection to the American cause took a decided shape, and those under its influence were arranged, as a party, against those measures which were pursued by the real representatives of the people; yet numbers followed in the rear of the great mass of their countrymen,. and in a general view were not distinguishable from them, until the declaration of independence was proposed.

This necessary measure seemed to cut up by the roots every hope of conciliation, and to ren