their estimate, or rather identically the same estimate, in a different shape; it was sent to a committee; the committee reduced it; but these ministers, too, would stand by their estimate, and would not allow the committee to reduce a shilling. To have refused it would have been more respectful. The reductions could not be objected to in themselves; they took away nothing of what was necessary for the dignity of the crown, or the personal comfort of his majesty. They merely diminished the salaries of certain great officers. The opinion of the committee must be taken as decisive that the reduction was reasonable and proper, at least to this extent, that those who maintained that the judgment of the committee was erroneous, were bound to show in what respect it was improper and unreasonable; but that had not even been attempted. The sum was said to be small; but the principle was important both to the country, and to the character of the govern

went.

The resolution was allowed to pass; but on the third reading of the civil list bill, founded on the resolutions, after an amendment which went to confirm the report of the committee, in deducting 11,5007. from the class which contained the salaries of the great household officers, and transferring it to the third class, and which, therefore, effected no reduction, had been withdrawn, another was moved, that the same sum should be absolutely deducted; but the sentiments of the House being decidedly against it, it was not pressed to a division. On the same occasion, Mr. Hume who, as a member of the committee, had in rain tried to induce it to recomVOL. LXXIJI.

mend a deduction of 75,0007. on the pension list, moved it as an amendment in the House. But, on a division, his motion found only seventeen supporters against seventy-two. He then moved, when the allowances to the dukes of Cumberland, Sussex, and Cambridge came in question, that the sum proposed should be diminished one third, because the salaries of public officers were in the course of being reduced, and prices were returning to the rates of 1792, and were already below those of 1806, at which period these allowances had been increased; and he was in no small degree surprised, when the Chancellor of the Exchequer informed him, that what he proposed could not be done without repealing an act of Parliament, as the 10th George III. empowered his majesty to divide 60,000l. per annum among his younger children. That sum had been charged on the hereditary revenue, and it was not in the king's power to give it up without a similar provision being made on the civil list. No opposition was offered to a resolution, moved in consequence of a royal message, assigning to the queen, in case she should survive his majesty, 100,0907. per annum, with Bushey park and Marlboroughhouse as town and country resi、 dences.

Another point on which ministers had to encounter the opposition of old friends, and received the support of former antagonists was, a proposition which they found themselves bound in prudence to make to increase the army by 7,680 men. At first sight it was a strange mode of fulfilling the pledges to retrenchment by which they had bound themselves on accepting office, and there was

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noně more capable of being abused to cover them with odium. They were the more entitled, therefore, to credit for doing what they be lieved the public safety required, and they were in this happy situation, that they had only to speak of the reform which they were to introduce, and which would be endangered by opposing them; in order to make errors appear virtues, or at least to secure for them silent acquiescence. In moving the increase, Mr. Wynn, the secretary at war, stated that it had no connection with continental affairs. It arose from no wish on the part of ministers that this country should interfere in the affairs of foreign nations; it was not the result of any thing that had taken place on the Continent, nor was it proposed under the contemplation of the necessity of any interference on the part of this country, in consequence of the events that had happened there; but no man could look to the state in which England, and, he would add, Ireland, were, when ministers were called to the administration of public affairs, and deny that the state of both kingdöms afforded sufficient cause for the proposed addition to our military force. The House had only to recollect the seenes which were going forward in several parts of the kingdom during the last few months. In such a state of things as then existed, the first consideration and the paramount duty to which government had to attend, was to afford protection to the loyal portion of the population who were exposed to attacks, and had been placed in imminent peril. He should rejoice, if the causes, which justified the present increase in the army should soon cease to exist; and if we should be enabled, even before

the expiration of the present year, to effect a diminution in the army estimates. In the present state of the country, however, he felt that the Government would not do their duty, if they did not call for an augmentation of our military force.

Sir H. Hardinge entirely con curred in the proposition, both as to the increase, and the mode of técruiting, and thought, moreover, that government deserved great credit for the encouragement which they seemed inclined to give to the yeomanry. There was sufficient reason to justify the augmentation both at home and abroad. When he found it stated by the French ministér, in the chamber of deputies, that of an expenditure of 47,000,000l. sterling, 9,000,000l. were for the army,which was to consist of 434,000 infantry, besides 46,000 cavalry, he saw in that extraordinary speech, which represented France as a camp, some cause for increasing an establishment:-but Mr. Wynn again stated, that government put it solely on account of the internal state of the United Kingdom. Colonel Davies moved, that the vote should be granted for only three months, in order that the estimates might be investigated by a committee, and he entered into various details to shew that many red tictions of expense might be made, without diminishing improperly the effective strength of the army; but he withdrew his motion on the chancellor of the Exchequer stating that, although the secretary at war who had just entered on office," could not

be expected to take decisive

And he did not hold it long. Mr. Wynn could not be brought to support

fore resigned, and was succeeded by sir H. Parnell, who had disapproved of the mihisterial civil list.

the ministerial reform bill. He there

steps at once on his own suggestions, and contrary to high military authority, still he pledged himself that the strictest inquiry should be instituted, every part of the estimates examined, and every effort made to reduce them. Mr. Hume, too, said that he was sure that the people would hear with sorrow of an increase of 500,000l. in the expense of the army by an economizing goFernment: that he could not conceire how ministers could propose an addition of 8,000 men, and yet talk of the army as being on a peace establishment that, in reality, he believed the late government to have been more economical than the present: and that the speeches of ministers reminded him of the good old times of Castlereagh. However, he would not divide the House "as he trusted that government would yet retrace their steps, and atone for their errors by a liberal reform, which would correct allabuses, and eventually obliterate every just cause of complaint.”

Mr. Hunt, who, though the most radical of all reformers, was a much less ardent admirer of the ministerial reform, which he declared would be any thing but satisfactory to the "people," was not so easily satisfied. He not only would not consent to increase the army, but moved to reduce it to 71,000 being 10,000 men less than it had consisted of the year before. He supported his proposition in his ordinary style of plain and fearless remark, of which it is right some memorial should be preserved, especially as Mr. Hunt had conducted himself much more reputably and sincerely in the House than had been expected from his former political habits. The conduct of ministers, he said, who took office under the strongest pledges of retrenchment, and now

came forward with an augmentation of our military force, for which the increased charges, including the charge for the yeomanry, would amount to nearly half a million sterling, could not fail to excite general dissatisfaction throughout the country. They had pleaded, as an excuse for this augmentation the disturbed state of the country, and others had pleaded the agitated condition of the Continent. The army was to be increased from 81,000 to 88,000 men, and the navy was to be increased by an additional force of 3,000 men. Now, how could such an increase be required for the maintenance of peace in the disturbed districts? If it were wanted to overawe the Continent, it was clear, that such a force was quite inadequate to such à purpose. He appealed to the House on the part of the people of England, he appealed to every man who valued the tranquillity of the country, and asked them to consider what would be the feelings of those men who declared their sufferings to be now almost beyond the tolerance of human beings, on hearing that an augmentation of force was to be made, which would, of course, render necessary an augmentation of taxation? As to the pledges of the present ministers, he had heard the right hon. baronet below him (sir R. Peel) congratulate the present ministers upon having taken up all his measures; he had seen him, with a sarcastic smile, rally them upon being converts to all his principles

he had heard him tell them that they agreed with him in all his propositions,--he had heard him say, "You've interfered with other nations, though you gave a pledge of non-intervention. You have increased the estimates, though

you gave a pledge of retrenchment; and therefore I cannot help feeling some astonishment to know how it was that I was turned by you out of place." He could not help joining in that surprise; and what was the defence which ministers offered to this taunting charge of the right hon. baronet? As to the charge of intervention, some of them admitted, others denied it. If they were to believe public documents, there could be no doubt that ministers had been dictating a king to Belgium. The only fault that he had to find with the Belgians was, that they did not appoint a king from their own country, or that they did not choose a president, and form themselves into a republic. That was the fault, too, of the people of France. After fighting as they did during the three glorious days of July, and sacrificing 8,000 valuable lives in defence of their liberties, he was only sorry that they had not reverted to a republic. He would move that the number of men should be reduced to 71,000, unless he should hear stronger reasons than had hitherto been alleged to prove the necessity of the proposed augmentation. He would move that amendment at all events; and if any gentleman would second it, he would divide the House upon it. He had already divided in one small minority, and he had no objection to do so again; for he was

anxious that the people of England should know, who the parties were who would continue our present establishments at an expense of 15,000,000l. and who would not. It was a singular spectacle to see how gentlemen who went from the opposition to the ministerial side of the House changed their opinions with their seats, just as if there had been some atmosphere about the ministerial benches which rendered such a change inevitable. He had not heard one word, from any member who had yet spoken, that convinced him of the necessity either of increasing the army or of keeping it up to its present amount. If we were in such a dreadful state at home as to require 88,000 men

to keep the people of England in quiet subjection, what was the cause which had produced such an effect? Were he people of England so altered that the government durst not trust them with arms; the people of England were not altered, but such alterations had been made in their habits, and their institutions, by the bad laws of that House, that the government durst not put arms into their hands. Place arms in their hands, and you would have, to a certainty, reform in three months. Mr. Hunt's amendment was seconded, and the House divided; but he could muster only 6 votes against 250 for the original motion.