poly, as, till Mr. Grenville's bill, something of a similar profligacy prevailed in St. Stephen's chapel. The division on the Westminster election first shook, and that on the Chippenham contest removed Sir Robert Walpole. To this field of battle then, this parliamentary Philippi, if I may be allowed the phrase, the opposing chiefs always resorted, and decided their pretensions to power. The Primate carried Mr. Brownlow's election, I think, by one vote, in a very full house; the struggle was violent. Mr. Brownlow retained his situation upwards of forty years, and was one of the most independent members that ever sat in the House of Commons of Ireland. Whenever he spoke, he was heard with peculiar attention and respect. To oratorial powers he laid no claim; but he delivered his sentiments with uncommon perspicuity, great neatness, great elegance, and, Occasionally, with a tempered fire and spirit, which were felt by every one around him he never spoke at any length. With the rules and proceedings of the House he was well acquainted; and had so general a knowledge of parliamentary affairs, that, on the resignation of the Speaker's chair by Mr. Ponsonby, he was proposed to succeed him, and very nearly obtained it. He had many accomplishments; music he understood accurately, and the agreeable opera of Midast was, in some measure, planned, the airs rehearsed, and altogether prepared for the stage, at his house. With the acquirements of the men of rank and fashion of his day, he had their manners, which were more polished than familiar; but that deportment, which was serious and dignified, contributed not a little to the gentleman-like air, and agreeable solemnity, which formerly distinguished the House of Commons. It has long since vanished. LORD CHARLEMONT. To write the life of such a man, may be, perhaps, impartially considered as a matter of some difficulty. Though engaged much, and acting the most honourable part in political life, he could not be strictly called a statesman; though a member of an ancient, deliberative assembly, he was not an orator; though possessed of the purest taste, and distinguished by many literary performances, which do honour to his memory, he cannot, without a violation of bistorical truth, be entitled to the name of an eminent author; and though the distinguished leader of many gallant bands, he will find no place among the conquerors, or desolators of mankind. Nil horum. But he was better than all this. He was, in every sense of the word, an excellent man. Of morals unstained; of mind, of manners, the most In an interview with Mr. Pelham, then Minister, Mr. Dodington frankly acknowledges, that he (Mr. Pelham) could turn out two or more gentlemen, on a potition, notwithstanding their undisputed election at a particular Borough, or even County. They were Dodington's Parliamentary friends. I quote from memory.. See his Diary. This original and very popular Opera, was written by Kane O'Hara, Esq. a man of talents and genius. most elegant. He was not only such a fine gentleman as Addison has sketched with a happy pencil, but passed far beyond the limits of that character. He was, with some allowance for those slight errors which adhere to the best dispositions, a patriot of the justest views, who kept his loyalty and his zeal in the most perfect unison. His sole object seemed to have been the good, and melioration of his country. To a certain degree he obtained that object. He obtained a triumph over the ancient prejudices, and ancient policy, which held the legislature of this country in thraldom. He indeed lived long enough to see that triumph idly, and ungratefully depreciated. But his laurels are not the less glorious. They were certainly all pacific; and if many a venal statesman, or those who were interested in confusion, secretly lamented that they were so, I am well aware, that many a reader, also, will consider the pages which record such laurels, as cold, vapid, and uninteresting. Sed magis pugnas, et exactos tyrannos, Densum humeris, bibit aure vulgus. But if ever the rage for war can be satiated, the period on which we have fallen, would, I think, abundantly satisfy the most wretched avidity in that respect; and the change of dethroned, or exiled monarchs, has been so frequent, that these humble Memoirs may have a chance of being read, even from the difference of scene which they present to those who cast their wearied eyes over the desolated continent of Europe. The scene, however, so presented, is not only not exempt from the general agency of human misery, for what place is so; but it partakes at one period, of those horrors which have given such a pre-eminence in calamity to the present epocha in society. That it did not abound in more, and that at an early period in Lord Charlemont's political life, it was not hurried into a contest of a very different nature from that of 1798, may surely, without any strained eulogy, be attributed to him; and, it cannot be too often repeated, the moderation and good sense of those who acted with him. For such wise and healing conduct, slightly discoloured as it might be with occasional imperfections, his memory is entitled to just and lasting praise.-With regard to the Catholic question, on which, and, as I think, most unhappily, Parliament is yet so divided, Lord Charlemont, in 1793, voted against the concession of the elective franchise to the Roman Catholics, and it is evident, from his letters in 1795, that he had not then relinquished his former sentiments. Some time after, (I know not the precise period) they underwent some change, but, in truth, he never altogether abandoned them. But that he truly loved all his countrymen, that he always felt for the degraded situation of the Catholics, and early in life wished to change it, cannot be controverted. He rose above ancient prejudice, and the history of former days, when he cultivated such feelings; for the murder of his ancestor, Lord Charlemont, in 1641, was often present to his mind, but it neither obscured his intellect, nor extinguished his benevolence. To punish the living for the misdeeds of those who had been a century and a half in their graves, and such such misdeeds basely amplified, was, he thought, a policy peculiarly humiliating to the understand ings of those who practised it. Such vulgarity of sentiment he could not indulge in. But the liberty and prosperity of his country were his objects; and as he saw that they could not be obtained but partially, without a general union of Irishmen, his ruling passion, even in death, not withered, but regulated by long experience, and much reflection, led him to some dereliction of early opinions, and the experiment of a novel policy. Lord Charlemont co-operated often, indeed generally, with those who acted as a party, and professed that they did so; a party founded on common principles, common principles, and those principles congenial to the common interest. A party pursuing such a system, is necessary in our form of government, and is to be applauded. But let us not panegyrize or expect too much. The more ignoble motives of human action often intermingle themselves with the pursuits of every party; and how often is a debate brought forward, or a question opposed, for the sole purpose of gratifying the spleen or humour of the day? Plus stomacho, quam consilio dedit, may be regarded as the device of too many oppositions; and it is no less ungenerous than unwise, for it not only injures them in the eyes of the public, but eventually proves the source of embarrassing, and most awkward per-, sonal molestation, when they come into office, as it furnishes their adversaries with such copious and inconvenient recollections. In truth, to hear some leaders of opposition talk, one would imagine, that they never meant to come into power; and when they are in power, so dissimilar is their language, that they never were once out of it. To all such leaders, Lord Charlemont never belonged. Or, could we even suppose that, unintentionally, or above all suspicion of their motives, he was, for a moment, united with such, it might be truly said of hit, as Antony said of Brutus, "He only in a general, honest thought, "And common good to all, made one of them." Whatever his accidental, or necessary co-operation, his party was only that of his country; and if, in his Parliamentary conduct, there was any particular defect, it arose merely from that jealousy, which, certainly, not only the constitution abstractedly, but the situation of this country, too often demanded; a jealousy, however, which, in some few instances, might be said to have extended too far, and without that necessary allowance for human dealings, which our lamentable nature so frequently requires. Nothing could be more just, or more worthy the attention of Ireland, than the observation of Mr. Fox, in his letter to Lord Charlemont. "That country can never prosper, where what should be the ambition of men of honour, is considered as a disgrace." It was sadly exemplified in Ireland. Had those who enjoyed and deserved public confidence, taken office in defiance of popular prejudice, their disinterestedness might have gradually worn out that prejudice, and by adding public opinion to the weight of their own character, out-balanced mere ministerial authority on many an important important topic. That he did not speak in Parliament, or in public, Lord Charlemont always lamented. It is surely not necessary, though some writers have thought it so, to make an apology for that which can require none, and introduce a crowd of splendid names, Addison, Prior, Soame Jenyns, and others, to keep, according to a trite phrase, any senator in countenance, who never delivered his sentiments in Parliament. The talent of public speaking is a peculiar gift; and whatever Lord Chesterfield may say on the subject, though practice will certainly improve such a faculty, nature must bestow it, as much as another endowment of the mind. In private conversation, Lord Charlemont was above most men. No one could speak with more ease, purity, and perspicuity. But they who imagine that those persons who so excel, would equally excel in public, adopt a very erroneous opinion. Colloquial powers are, in truth, so totally distinct, that he who is highly gifted with such, and has long exercised them apart from politics, will find it difficult, perhaps impossible, at a certain period of life, to catch the tone and style of public speaking. Even at the academy, where he might have been said to be at home, Lord Charlemont could not deliver any thing that had the semblance of a speech, or an harangue, without being totally disconcerted, but he was then far from young. Had he, in earlier life, persevered in his efforts as a public speaker, I make no doubt that he would have been an excellent one. That he was alive to every nobler feeling in public life, has been amply shewn. His sen sibility, and delicacy of taste, led him to the study of the fine arts, and polite literature in all its branches. Hence his communica tion with every erudite, or lettered man, at home or abroad. The Marquis Maffei, in Italy, Prince Czartoryski, in Poland, St. Palaye, Nivernois, Montesquieu, and the Comte de Caylus, in France. He had a great respect for some of the Scotch literati; but I am not enabled to particularize them. The men of science and genius in England, to whom he was known, have been already mentioned. Mr. Malone, whom the lovers of Shakespeare must ever respect, he always loved and esteemed, and preserved an uninterrupted correspondence with. Of his countrymen who resided altogether in Ireland, Dr. Leland, that excellent scholar, mentions his Lordship as his first and early patron, and their intercourse was liberal and frequent; many others might be adduced, or have been so, in the course of this work. I believe that few instances occur, of any one so engaged in public life, as for more than forty years he was, who paid such unremitting attention to letters. In painting, sculpture, and above all, in architecture, his taste and knowledge were discriminating and profound. Yet his modesty and uniform desire to assist ingenious merit, were no ways inferior. The late Dr. Quin, who was himself an excellent judge of the fine arts, used to say, that he had just reason to believe that Lord Charlemont himself planned the temple at Marino, and resigned the credit of it to Sir William Chambers. There was scarcely a contemporary artist of any merit, whom he did not nct know; and many of them, in the earlier part of their lives, he patronized. With Athenian Stuart, as he was called, he lived in entire intimacy, as well as with Hogarth. Various are the letters from persons abroad, the Abbe Grant, so well known formerly to the English at Rome, and others, recommending young artists to his attention. He was, in truth, an unostentatious Mæcenas, and his fortune, it cannot be denied, was considerably impaired by his attachment to, and encouragement of, the fine arts. Men of scientific pursuits were also cherished by him: Sir Joseph Banks particularly, who was highly valued by, - and very dear to him. As to his domestic character, without the predominating excellence of which, all the ornaments which literature or manners can bestow, are of diminished lustre, he was an indulgent father, a tender husband, a generous and kind master, an ardent, sincere friend. To intrude on the private concerns of any family would be indelicate; but, were it so permitted, his disinterestedness, as a relation, might be shewn in the most favourable point of view. Sometimes, not frequently, he was irritable, but easily appeased. That irritability shewed itself more in the House of Commons, than any other place whatever. Among the country gentlemen he had numerous friends, and very general influence. To the freedom of public opinion, he had every respect, but, if some of those gentlemen, as was now and then the case, took a part in debate, or voted in a manner which he had reason to imagine was directed by oblique motives, they were certain, if they met him in the lobby, cf encountering a tolerably sharp reprimand. The importance of the House of Commons was, he used to say, in a great measure, sustained by the county members, and when such men relinquished their independence, they relinquished every thing. But bis anger was not often displayed; and so transient, that it could not be said to derogate from that suavity of manners which so eminently characterized him. From some prejudices, or dislikes, he was not free. Whence it arose, I know not, but he had, through life, almost a repugnance to the French. Of his friend, the Duc de Nivernois, he would, after speaking highly of him, generally add, "But he is not a Frenchman, he is an Italian." This, however, was said in mere unbended conversation, and far remote from any illiberality, which could warp his judgment in essential matters, either as to literature or morals. He highly esteemed several of the French nobility, and never mentioned the old, generous Maréchal de Biron, without a degree of enthusiasm. In the lighter species of poetry, and memoir writing, he considered the French as excelling all others; but their graver poets were not equally the objects of his admiration. Altogether, their literary character, and the romantic courtesy, and high honour, which in the superior classes were so often blended with that character, peculiarly engaged, and even fascinated his attention. But the general mass of Frenchmen he was not attached to.-His life, when in Dublin, and not engaged by the Volunteers, was extremely uniform. He was en 1 |