atic; but it was always decorated as the occasion required: it was often compressed, and pointed, though that could not be said to have been its general feature. It was sustained by great ingenuity, great rapidity of intellect, luminous and piercing satire; in refine ment abundant, in simplicity sterile. The classical allusions of this orator, for he was most truly one, were so apposite, they followed each other in such bright and varied succession, and, at times, spread such an unexpected and triumphant blaze around his subject, that all persons, who were in the least tinged with literature, could never be tired of listening to him. The Irish are a people of quick sensibility, and perfectly alive to every display of ingenuity or illustrative wit. Never did the spirit of the nation soar highter than during the splendid days of the volunteer institution; and, when Hussey Burgh, alluding to some coercive English laws, and that institution, then in its proudest array, said in the House of Commons, " That such laws were sown like dragons' teeth, and sprung up in armed men;" the applause which followed, and the glow of enthusiasm which he kindled in every mind, far exceed my powers of description.

Never did the graces more sedulously cherish, and uniformly attend, any orator more than this amiable and elegant man. They embellished all that he said, all that he did; but the graces are fugitive, or perishable. Of his admired speeches, but few, if any, records are now to be found; and of bis harmonious flowing eloquence, it may be said, as Tacitus did of an eminent speaker in his

time, "Haterii canorum illud, et profluens, cum ipso extinctum est."

He accepted the office of Prime Serjeant during the early part of lord Buckinghamshire's administration; but the experience of one session convinced him, that his sentiments and those of the English and Irish cabinets, on the great questions relative to the independence of Ireland, would never assimilate. He soon grew weary of his situation; when his return to the standard of opposition was marked by all ranks of people, and especially his own profession, as a day of splendid triumph. Numerous were the congratulations which he received on this sacrifice of official emolument, to the duty which he owed to his country. That country he loved even to enthusiasm. He moved the question of a free trade for Ireland, as the only measure that could then rescue this kingdom from total decay. The resolution was concise, energetic, and successful. He supported Mr. Grattan in all the motions which finally laid prostrate the dominion of the British parliament over Ireland. When he did so, he was not unacquainted with the vindictive disposition of the English cabinet of that day, towards all who dared to maintain

such propositions. One night, when he sat down after a most able, argumentative speech in favour of the just rights of Ireland, he turned to Mr. Grattan, "I have now," said he, "nor do I repent it, sealed the door against my own preferment; and I have made the fortune of the man opposite to me," naming a particular person who sat on the treasury bench.

He

He loved fame, he enjoyed the blaze of his own reputation, and the most unclouded moments of his life were not those when his exertions at the bar, or in the House of Commons, failed to receive their accustomed and ample tribute of admiration: that, indeed, but rarely happened; he felt it at particular moments, during his connection with the Buckinghamshire administration; nor did the general applause which he received counterbalance his temporary chagrio. A similar temperament is, I think, recorded of Racine; but he had not Racine's jealousy. On the contrary, the best intellectual displays of his contemporaries seemed always to be the most agreeable to him; and I can well attest, that he hailed the dawn of any young man's rising reputation with the tribute of kindred genius.

He died at a time of life when his faculties, always prompt and discriminating, approximated, as it should seem, to their fullest perfection. On the bench, where he sat more than one year, he had sometimes lost sight of that wise precept, which Lord Bacon lays down for the conduct of a judge towards an advocate at the bar. "You should not affect the opinion of poignancy and expedition, by an impatient and catching hear ing of the counsellors at the bar." He seemed to be sensible of his deviation from this; to be convinced that security in our own opinions, like too great security in any thing," is mortals chiefest enemy;" and that, in our daily converse with the world, we meet with others who are far wiser than ourselves, even on those points

where we fondly imagine our own wisdom to be the most authenticated. His honest desire not to feed contention, but bring it to as speedy a termination as could reasonably be wished, deserves great praise.

"He did not," says Mr. Flood, alluding to him in one of his speeches, "live to be ennobled, but he was ennobled by nature." I value the just prerogatives of ancient nobility, but to the tears and regrets of a nation, bending over the urn of public and private excellence, as Ireland did over his, what has heraldry to add, or, at such moments, what can it be stow?

HENRY FLOOD.

Mr. Henry Flood was by far one of the ablest men that ever sat in the Irish parliament. As he will appear frequently in the course of these memoirs, I shall not enter here into his character as entirely as I otherwise should. He came into the House of Commons, and spoke during the administration of the Earl of Halifax. Hamilton's success, as a speaker, drew him instantly forward, and his first parliamentary essay was brilliant and imposing. Hutchinson, who was at that time with the court, replied to him with many compliments; and, as has been already observed, he was almost generally applauded, except by Primate Stone. He was a consummate member of parliament. Active, ardent, and persevering, bis industry was without limits. In advancing, and, according to the parliamentary phrase, driving a ques

tion, he was unrivalled; as, for instance, his dissertations, for such they were, on the law of Poynings, and similar topics. He was in himself an opposition, and possessed the talent (in political warfare a most formidable one) of formenting a minister, and every day adding to his disquietude. When attacked, he was always most successful; and to form an accurate idea of his excellence, it was necessary to be present when he was engaged in such contests, for his introductory or formal speeches were often heavy and laboured, yet still replete with just argument; and through the whole were diffused a certain pathos, an apparent public ear, with which a popular assembly is almost always in unison. His taste was not the most correct, and his studied manner was slow, harsh, and austere; the very reverse of Hamilton, whose trophies first pointed the way to Flood's genius, and whom he avowedly attempted to emulate. But in skirmishing, in returning with rapidity to the charge, though at first shaken, and nearly discomfited, his quickness, his address, his powers of retort, and of insinuation, were never exceeded in parliament. However, it was from the whole of the campaign that his abilities were to be duly appreciated. He entered, as has been observed by his illustrious opponent (Mr. Grattan), rather late into the British House of Commons, and was never fairly tried there. His first exhibition was unsuccessful, and it seems to have indisposed him, for a considerable time at least, to any subsequent parliamentary effort. Besides, at the moment that he became a member, that

house was completely divided into two distinct contending powers, led on by two mighty leaders; and his declaration, at the onset, that he belonged to no party, united all parties against him. His speech on the India bill was, as he assured a gentleman from whom I had it, in some measure accidental. The debate had been prolonged to a very late hour, when he got up with the intention merely of saying, that he would defer giving his detailed opinion on the bill (to which he was adverse) till a more favourable opportunity. The moment that be arose, the politeness of the Speaker in requesting order, the eagerness of the oppo nents of the bill, who knew that Flood was with them, seconding the efforts of the Speaker, the civility always paid to any new member, and his particular celebrity as an orator, brought back the crowd from the bar, from above stairs at Bellamy's, and, in short, from the lobby, and every part adjoining the house. There was much civility in this, mingled with no slight curiosity, and altogether it was sufficient to discompose most men. All the members resumed their places, and a general silence took place. Such a flattering attention, he thought, should be repaid by more than one or two sentences. He went on, trusting to his usual powers as a speaker, when, after some diffuse and general reasonings on the subject, which proved that he was much acquainted with it, he sat down amid the exultation of his adversaries, and the complete discomfiture, not of his friends, for he could be scarcely said to have one in the house, but of those,

not

whose

whose minds breathed nothing but parliamentary, indeed almost personal warfare, and expected much from his assistance. Altogether the disappointment was universal. He spoke, and very fully, some years afterwards, on two or three occasions. On the French treaty, and on the parliamentary reform. On the last-mentioned subject his progress was correspondent to that which has been already stated of him. He introduced it with a heavy solemnity, and great, but laborious knowledge. But his reply, especially to Mr. (now Lord) Grenville was, as I have been assured, incomparable, and Mr. Burke particularly applauded it.

tenance, however changed in our days, was of correspondent beauty. On the whole, he made a conspicuous figure in the annals of his country, and he is entitled to the respect of every public-spirited man in it, for, unquestionably, he was the senator who, by his exertions, and repeated discussion of questions, seldom, if ever, approached before, first taught Ireland that it had a parliament. Mr. Fiood died in December, 1791.

Till his acceptance of office, in 1775, he was the uniform friend and supporter of Lord Charlemont, who indeed scarcely took a political step without him. Their intimacy then ceased. It revived again in some measure, when Flood revived his opposition; and was again eclipsed, not extinguished, by their adoption of different sentiments, at the time of what was called the simple, repcal, in the autumn of 1782. Lord Charlemont was highly indignant at Flood's journey to Belfast, where he excited a violent ferment, and that even among Lord Charlemont's particular friends.That cloud, however, passed away, and a cordial intercourse of letters took place during the regency. To such vicissitudes are political lives subject. Lord Charlemont was always amiable, and Flood possess ed, or certainly could display, most engaging manners. He was extremely pleasing in private intercourse; well-bred, open, and hospitable. His figure was tall, erect, graceful; and in youth, his coun

MR. DALY.

Mr. Daly was born in 1717, educated at Christ Church, Oxford, and came into parliament, as the representative of the county of Galway, in 1768. He was uncommonly gifted; for in him were united much beauty and dignity of person, great private worth, great spirit, extensive erudition, and penetrating genius. Seldom was any man more regarded in the House of Commons than he was, not only whilst he continued with opposition, but after he had joined government, and indeed till the time of his death. He was rather an eminent speaker and orator, than a debater. In the general business of the house he did not at all engage; but when he was forced to reply, he spoke, though very shortly, with a promptitude and animation that were almost peculiar to him. His oratory was rapid, unaffected, displaying great energy of intellect, much fortitude of mind, dignified, not austere, nothing morose, but nothing ludicrous, or jesting; still, however, solving grave debate with powers of ridicule, that almost put cor

ruption

ruption out of countenance, and pouring forth itself in sentences so constructed as to style, and invigorated as to sentiment, that his hearers were, in truth, not only convinced, but borne down by him. It is to be lamented that some of his speeches have not been preserved. That on the embargo, in December 1777, when he opposed government, was so completely excellent in every part, as would alone justify the fullest panegyric on his oratory. It was the most perfect model of parliamentary speaking, that, in my opinion, could be exhibited. It is said that in council he was superior. On some great questions he stood almost alone, and he was right.The measures that he advised were bold and rapid. At a meeting of the friends of government in 1783, when Mr. Flood had announced his intention to the House of Commons of bringing forward the reform bill, which had been, in fact, prepared by the Convention, Mr. Daly infused his own spirit into the minds of several who were wavering, and prepared the reso lution which Mr. Conolly moved in the House of Commons. If he leaned to any party in the state, it was to a qualified aristocracy, accompanied with the utmost repugnance to jobbing. In fact, he was neither the tool, nor the idol of any party. He served the crown with such a port and dignity, that, at particular moments, government seemed to be borne along by him. As he loved liberty, he uttered the most poignant sentiments against all public excesses, and, in truth, be seemed to have a horror of all public tumult. The people were ultimately served thereby, for he

acquired an authority with ministers, which checked their excesses also; and, as he did not run headlong with either, he seemed to command both. He had pride, but it was a pride that led him to excel, and was not obtrusive, or revolting. He was not only good humoured, but extremely playful. In private society he was above the practice of satire; and if ever he resorted to it, it was only to check the satirist, and with delicacy make him feel, that he himself was also vulnerable. Good manners in him seemed an emanation of good nature; and, as an illustrious friend of his, who lived in great intimacy with him, has more than once remarked to me, to know him, and not to love him, was impossible. He was a classical scholar, and not only collected the best editions of the great authors of antiquity, but read books with the ardor of a real lover of literature. His library was uncommonly valuable, and was sold, I believe, at a very high price. It may not perhaps be thought superfluous to state in this place, that, in a conversation which he once had with the author of these memoirs, he said, that as to English prose-writers, the style of Dryden, and that of Andrew Stuart, in his letters to Lord Mansfield, especially the concluding part of them, were, in his opinion, the best models which any young man could attend to, who wished to speak in the House of Commons.

He once made an observation to me, which shewed such a general knowledge of the Irish House of Commons at that time, that I never shall forget it. On some question (no matter what), the court was

either