He was an excellent politician, equally able to draw government into difficulties, and bring it out of them again, though it must be allowed, that he never abused the confidence of government. Far from it. But when ministers here found themselves embarrassed by neglecting to consult him, which was sometimes the case, he enjoyed their distress with peculiar complacency; and with a face of Erebus, no lover was at that moment more pleased, nor stoic more immoveable. He seemed to have acquired an entire power over his senses, and when his mind was * most impregnated, and his passions most engaged, he looked, if, in his opinion, the measure required it, as if he had almost ceased to see, to hear, or to speak.

He was an able speaker, as well at the bar, as in the House of Commons, though his diction was very indifferent. He did not speak so much at length as many of his parliamentary coadjutors, though he knew the whole of the subject much better than they did. He was not only a good speaker in parliament, but an excellent manager of the House of Commons. He never said too much. He had great merit in what he did say, for government was never committed by him. He plunged into no difficulty, nor did he ever suffer his antagonist to escape from one.

To liberty, or the people, he was no enemy. He was too well acquainted with the laws not to respect the constitution. He knew his own abilities too well, not to be convinced that, in a free country, government could not go on without him; and that, whilst he was consulted by administration,

it never would overset the liberties of the people. To form a just estimate of his principles, it is necessary to know what government did not do. This was the case with Mr. Malone, and one or two eminent men. They differed from the patriot not in principle, but as to the place where such principle might, at that time be most efficaciously displayed. They struggled for the country in the Cabinet, as the orator often did, or said he did, in the House of Commons. This mode of conduct may appear strange, but it arose from the situation of Ireland, which those most able men did not wish to see engaged in quarrels with England. Their desire, therefore, was to do things calmly and quietly. They moderated parties, checked the too forward zeal of courtiers, and tempered the ardour of patriots. They postponed, but never thought of attempting to extinguish, any question relating to public liberty. "You may observe," said Mr. Tisdall to one of his friends, who was with him at his villa of Stillorgan, within a few miles of Dublin, which commanded a view of the sea, "that the taking the embargo off corn has improved my prospect. You now see some ships. I signed the proclamation for taking off that embargo; but the proclamation for laying it on, I took care not to sign that." He was the first person who omitted, in the revenue bill, the clause, providing that the act should continue till the end of the next session. It was on his part, a patriotic and provident measure. The English council restored the clause, which was afterwards a subject of debate in the House of Commons,

and

and in that debate, Mr. Tisdall was the only person who was personally attacked, though he alone,, of the Irish Cabinet, had any merit on the question. But parliamentary hostility is often mis placed, and, from the nature of a popular assembly, such errors are often unavoidable.

દર

On some miserable, ill-advised 'contest of government with the' city of Dublin, the crown lawyers marshalled "themselves in sad and painful array, to support the nonsense of administration. I shall leave my ragamuffins where they will be well peppered," said Tisdall, to a gentleman of the bar, who stood near him, and walked. out of court.

He was a profound lawyer, and his opinion was frequently resorted to from England. In domestic life he was sociable and agreeable. "His table was remarkably splendid and magnificent, and often, as the public prints said, subservient to political purposes; but with what truth the observation was made I know not. When abroad, particularly at Spa, he lived with al. most equal splendour. Take him all in all, he was, in some respects, one of the most, singular, as unquestionably he was, by far, one of the most able statesmen, whom Ireland ever beheld.

celebrated and amiable Lord Dorset, was then Lord Lieutenant; government was led on by Primate, Stone, a man of unbounded ambition. Lord Charlemont, who knew him perfectly, often assured me, that the temper and genius of the English people, and English con-". stitution, averse to all ecclesiastical interference, or domination, (which the Primate was well aware of) alone prevented him from " aspiring to a distinguished place in, the councils of Great Britain, He was brother to Andrew Stone, who possessed considerable knowledge and ability, a principal figure in the court of Frederic, Prince of Wales. Mr. Pery at first acted with government, or, what was then called, the primate's party and afterwards, in the session of 1755, rendered himself. conspicu ous, by opposing, though with a small minority, Colonel Conway, then secretary to the Marquis of Hartingtop. Party-writers said,, that this opposition was merely in compliance with the wishes of his friend, the primate, But, if history in general is to be read with caution, the political history of the day should, ever be regarded with particular distrust. Mr. Pery could little brook such subjugation. He was, some time after, the leader of what was called, the Flying Squadron; a party attached neither to the court nor the opposition, and occasionally joining both. When acting with administration, he was offered the place of Solicitor-Ge neral, but he did not choose to be their servant, and disdained to clothe himself in the spoils of his, friend, Mr. Gore, (Lord Analy), who then held that place.He. was master of his profession; and

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not only that, but an admirable member of parliament. It may be justly said, that there was scarcely any great public measure adopted in Ireland, whilst Lord Pery engaged in business, which had not its seminal principle in his comprehensive mind. The corn laws, the free trade, the independence of the Irish parliament, the tenantry bill, were framed with his assistance, and would not have been carried without it. The tilJage of Ireland may be regarded as his child.

The superiority which a certain rectitude of mind and understanding has over talents and pertinacity, is sometimes evinced in no small degree. During the discussion of a question, which Mr. Pery had favoured, and distinguished himself by its support, he was answered by Secretary Hamilton, in a speech of unexampled eloquence. He rose directly after Hamilton had sat down, not, he said, to reply, but at once to declare, that he was convinced.

Whoever is well acquainted with the House of Commons, knows, that there are too many persons of mere talents, who would have displayed no such ingenuousness; for, to combat at all events, and concede no point whatever, seems to be an established maxim with the leaders of debate in general. Mr. Pery, by acting in a contrary manner, divided the glory of the day with Hamilton; the latter carried the palm of genius, and Pery that of wisdom. In truth, he saw further before him than almost any man of his time. In good sense he was inferior to none; in fortitude, superior to most men. He delivered the boldest senti

ments in the calmest manner, so that fortitude did not seem the effort of his mind, but its ordinary temperature. He spoke with peculiar gravity and dignity and feeling. His arguments, or their principal points, were fully, but briefly stated. On no occasion were his speeches declamatory. He sometimes rose above others, not less by the firmness of his temper, than his disdain of mere rhetorical flourishes. When the right of England to make laws for Ireland was mentioned in the House of Commons, (some years previous to Mr. Grattan's address on that subject) a general disposition, prevailed to decline giving any opinion on the question. There. was certainly much speaking, but the claims of England were alluded to in similies and metaphors, the result of habitual subserviency, and false or illusive eloquence. But Pery said, "that he saw no reason for making use of any indistinct, or figurative language. He would speak out,-the parliament of Great Britain had no right to make laws for Ireland." In these days some persons may smile at such an instance being adduced of political courage. But, to judge of other times by our own, is the characteristic of a mind, presumptuous and superficial. He was master of that great science of a genuine statesman, the doctrine of non-interference. He knew that legislation, like every thing else, had its limits, and that much was to be left to the unrestricted sense of mankind. He never was a minister, nor wished to be one. Perhaps he knew some of his countrymen too well, to be either their idol, or their minister; but he often instructed,

instructed, often controlled, or checked, the members of administration; and, it is no disproportionate language to say, that he was frequently resorted to by different classes of men in public life, almost as an oracle. He was, perhaps, one of the best Speakers that ever sat in the chair of any House of Commons. His mind seemed to keep pace with every question, and follow the debate in all its various forms. It was not an anxiety for a particular motion, but a general parental care of, and solicitude for, the well-being, the dignity of the House of Commons, and wisdom of its deliberations. Hence, though always remembering that he was the servant of the House, not its dictator, it was perfectly easy for those who were accustomed to him, and took a part in the business, to know at once, from his looks, whilst they were speaking, whether their speeches, in his opinion, gave an additional light or interest to the debate.

There was no interruption, no impatience; but, to make use of a dramatic allusion, he so blended himself with the entire business of the scene, that an intelligent debater, by observing him, almost instantly felt where he was most right, or discovered where he was most wrong. He preserved order, without encroaching on the popular nature of the House of Commons. He suffered no usurpation, or ministerial legerdemain, from the treasury bench. The old members were respected, the young were encouraged, all were attended to, In private life, notwithstanding his grave and serious demean our, no man was ever more friendly, more benign, and, to the young

people, more accommodating, of more pleasing, instructive, and indulgent.

THE EARL OF KILDARE.

The Earl of Kildare, afterwards Marquis, and Duke of Leinster, premier peer of Ireland, had great weight and authority in the House of Lords; not merely from his rank, considerable as it was, but from the honourable and generous part which he always took in the affairs of Ireland. He seldom, if ever, spoke in public; he particu◄ larly distinguished himself in the political struggle of 1753, and, dis daining to crouch to an intriguing and ambitious prelate, or the Viceroy, whom, it is to be lamented, that prelate too much influenced, he presented a memorial to the late king, which, in respectful, but spirited language, stated the grievances of Ireland, and particularly the mal-administration of Primate Stone. It occasioned much surprize, and gave great offence to part of the English cabinet. Seldom, very seldom indeed, have the members of that cabinet cause to be so offended. Excepting some occasional visits to England, where he was as highly respected, as il lustriously allied, Lord Kildare resided in England almost constantly. He not only supported his senatorial character with uniform independence, but, as a private nobleman, was truly excellent, liv. ing either in Dublin or among his numerous tenantry, whom he encouraged and protected. In every situation he was of the most unequivocal utility to his country; at Carton, in the Irish House of 2 B.2 Lords