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city of the necessaries of life, had been greatly augmented.

The feeble and enslaved ITALY has contributed nothing of political interest to the events of the year. The annexation of some districts to the French empire has already been noticed; and it is unnecessary to mention that they were passively submitted to, when the depo sition of the pope as a temporal sovereign, and his confinement as a state prisoner at Savona, seem not to have occasioned a single murmur. The King of Italy and Emperor of France has consulted the taste of this part of his subjects by gratifying them with some indulgences respecting letters and the arts. The re-establishment of the Florentine academy della Crusca has been declared in a French edict. It is to be composed of twelve members nominated by the emperor, and twenty associates; and its labours are limited to the revision of the dictionary of the Tuscan language, the preservation of idiomatic purity, and the examination of works offered for prizes given by former decrees. These are literary occupations from which no danger can accrue. The body called the Consulta at Rome has been allowed to display a zeal for the conservation of the churches and other public edifices distinguished for their antiquity or remains of art, and also to project some institutions for public education. Decrees have been issued by Napoleon for the improvement and embellishment of that capital: the navigation of the Tiber is to be perfected, ancient bridges are to be re-built, and squares to be cleared and enlarged. Meantime, of the existence of his Holiness scarcely VOL. LIII.

any thing has been heard, but his removal from Savona, to the strong fortress of Tortona in Piedmont.

The kingdom of Naples has made no fresh attempt to disturb the English troops in their occupancy of Sicily, though the political state of that island might encourage any projects to effect a change in its government. Nothing can be more detestable to the Sicilians than the authority of the court of Palermo, administered by an intriguing and arbitrary queen of foreign race; and they would gladly see the sovereign power assumed by the English, who are in fact masters of the country; but such an act is prohibited by the faith due to a nominal ally, whose rights this nation has undertaken to defend. As long, therefore, as we appear in the character of satellites to such a court, we cannot expect the attachment of the people. At the same time the queen, who feels her authority circumscribed by the presence of the English, views our interference with jealousy and aversion, and is supposed desirous of making terms with the French court, and establishing its influence in the island. In such a contrariety of interests it is obvious that nothing but mutual suspicion and ill will can take place.

At the beginning of the year three royal edicts were issued from the Sicilian court which gave much dissatisfaction, as affording, it is said, an unprecedented example of levying money on the subjects of this island without the form of their consent. One of these related to indemnities to be given to ecclesiastical communities from whom certain estates were alienated; [L] another,

another, to a lottery for the sale of these estates; and the third imposed a tax of one per cent. upon all payments. This last being considered as extremely detrimental to commerce, a remonstrance against it was presented by the British merchants in Palermo, but without effect. The Sicilian barons resident at Palermo drew up a protestation against this royal demand upon the properties of the people without a regular application to what is called their parliament; the result of which was the arrest of several of these noblemen, and their exile to the neighbouring islands. The great abuses prevalent in the government of Sicily were severely animadverted upon by some members in the House of Commons, when the Chancellor of the Exchequer moved for a renewal of the annual subsidy of 400,000l. paid to that court. It was said, that while affording such aid and protection to Sicily, it was but right that we should use every endeavour to correct the vices of its government, which was, without hesitation, denominated the most profligate in existence, and its people the most oppressed; and though the minister deprecated the use of such language, as of dangerous consequence, yet the fact was not attempted to be denied.

The matrimonial alliance between Napoleon and the house of Austria had so much strengthened the influence of France at the Sicilian court, that the English were treated by the queen and her dependents with studied contempt; and on the arrival of Lord William Bentinck at Palermo in the latter part of July, he found a change in the political sentiments of that

court, which implied that the friendship of England was no lon ger desired, and the continuance of its troops on the island would be deemed intrusive. He therefore determined upon an immediate return, and after he had been no more than ten days in the island, he re-embarked. This sudden departure appeared to excite some alarm in the court; and the great change effected when he resumed his post, will afford matter for the history of the succceding year.

The TURKISH EMPIRE which, notwithstanding the radical vices of its government, possesses a physical strength which renders it capable of great temporary exertions, displayed a remaining vigour during this year, not only on the banks of the Danube, but in other parts of its extended dominion. One of these instances, which occurred in Egypt, was so characteristic of the policy of oriental despotism, that it well merits a particular detail.

The tenure by which Egypt is held under the authority of the Porte is well known. Its viceroy or pashaw residing at Cairo enforces such obedience as he is able to command by the troops entrusted to him; while the beys, or leaders of that singular body of militia called Mamelukes, are continually contending against him, either by open force or secret intrigue. The present viceroy, Mohammed Ali, at the time of the British landing in Egypt, had made a peace with the Mamelukes, in which it was stipulated that the whole corps should come and reside at Cairo. In consequence, a great part of them, under the command of Sciaim bey, took up their residence at Gizeh, opposite to the capital;

capital; the remainder still continuing in Upper Egypt, under Ibrahim bey. Jussuf, pashaw of Damascus, having been unsuccessful in his attempts to repel the attacks of that formidable sect of Arabs, the Wahabi, a commission was given to Suliman, pashaw of Acre, to send his head to Constantinople; but Jussuff escaped his fate by a timely flight to Egypt, where he was hospitably received and protected by Mohammed Ali, Suliman afterward succeeding no better against the Wahabi, fell into disgrace with the Porte, which ordered the viceroy of Egypt to undertake the recovery of Mecca and Medina from those sectaries, and promised him the governments of Damascus and Acre as a reward. The pashaw of Acre was on these accounts extremely indignant with Mohammed Ali, and eagerly list ened to a proposal made to him by the Mamelukes, of joining forces, and falling upon the viceroy after his army should be diminished by the departure of the troops destined for Arabia. This treachery was however discovered to Mahommed Ali by a person in the confidence of Sciam bey, who had been bribed to disclose his master's secrets; and he resolved to oppose it by an anticipated treachery. He announced the completion of his preparations against Mecca, and that on March 1st he should celebrate a solemn festival on the occasion of publicly investing his son with the command of the intended expedition. The Mamelukes at Gizeh received an invitation to be present at the ceremonial, which they accepted.

It was directed that the procession should pass through the private

streets of Cairo, up to the citadel, where the investiture was to take place. The Turkish infantry led the way, and were followed by the Mamelukes, headed by Sciaim Bey, supported by two sons of the viceroy. The Turkish cavalry followed, and closed the procession. At the instant when the infantry had entered the citadel, and the Mamelukes were passing between the inner and outer wall, along a narrow way enclosed by high walls and ruined buildings, the gates at each extremity were closed. The pashaw, who had hitherto kept his intentions a secret from every body, now ordered the infantry to line the walls, and commence a heavy fire upon the Mamelukes, though his own sons were as yet mixed with them. These victims, whose equestrian skill was now of no avail, and who were crowded together and encumbered with their dress of ceremony, could only avoid present death by surrendering themselves. The wicket of the citadel gate was then opened, and they were dragged out one by one to the court of the citadel, where they were first stripped and then beheaded, receiving their fate, it is said, with undaunted resolution, and only indignant that they were deprived of the opportunity of exercising their valour against their executioners. Sciaim Bey was brought into the presence of the pashaw, who upbraided him with his treachery, and with the assassination of his adopted father ElfiBey, and then ordered him to be led away to execution. A few of the Mamelukes escaped by climbing over the walls, but were discovered in their concealments, and shared the fortune of their com[L 2]

rades,

rades; and it is not known that of 800 Mamelukes present at this fatal scene, any were left alive, except a few boys, who owed their safety to their extreme youth and beauty. The heads of the beys and principal officers, to the number of 24, were sent as trophies of this exploit to Constantinople. An order had been given at the same time for the slaughter of all the remaining Mamelukes in Egypt, and within the course of a month, seven or eight hundred were massacred in the towns and villages, whose heads were daily exposed at Cairo before the gates of the citadel. It was a more arduous task to effect the destruction of those Mamelukes who to the number of eight or nine hundred sabres, besides negroes and Arabs, were encamped in Upper Egypt under the command of Ibrahim Bey. A large body of troops was sent against them, which are said to have surprized and slaughtered them; though it is probable that a remnant still survive, animated, no doubt, with implacable hatred against the murderers of their companions; but it is not likely that a body of foreign soldiery so constituted can continue to exist after so severe a blow, and the effect may be that of a firmer es

tablishment of the Turkish dominion in Egypt. The natives have always been indifferent spectators of these contests between their masters.

Intelligence from Egypt after this event, mentions that the infantry destined to act against the Wahabi had arrived at the isthmus of Suez at the commencement of August, where they had embarked for the coast of Arabia. The cavalry was soon expected. Mohammed Ali was said to display great activity in promoting this expedition.

In October the capitan pashaw conducted a maritime force against Aly Molla, the Ayan rebel of Heraclea. He disembarked on the 26th, but the rebel had previously fled in secrecy. A firman was addressed by the Grand Seignior to all the governors of Upper Asia, enjoining them to seize and deliver him up, alive or dead.

The occurrences in the war between Russia and the Porte have been already related. Great expectations were entertained about the close of the year that the negotiations between the two powers would terminate in a peace. This, however, did not take place, and preparations were made on both sides for another campaign.

CHAP

OF

CHAPTER XVIII. United States of America.

F much more probable importance to Great Britain than the political state of the remote countries of Europe, is that of the United States of North America, which, though separated from us by a wide ocean, already exert a powerful influence upon our commercial prosperity, and must progressively become of greater weight in our public system in proportion to their advance in wealth and population. It is to be lamented that the year 1811 has passed in a broken intercourse with this people, and in disputes with its government continually tending to widen the breaches made in the amity which ought to subsist between nations so nearly allied in origin, manners, and sentiments. But before we enter upon particular narrative, it may be proper to make a remark or two, by way of correcting some mistaken notions which seem to prevail relative to the subsisting differences.

And first it may be observed, that when a neutral power is placed between two belligerents, with each of which it has certain relations, it is not to be supposed that arguments, which apply only to the advantage or security of the belligerents, will be acquiesced in by the neutral, when employed to justify political acts which trench upon the rights of independent

nations, and which, though retaliatory on each other with respect to the belligerents, appear as unprovoked hostilities with respect to those who have no share in the quarrel. There are no common principles which should induce one state to sacrifice its rights and interests to those of another; and if it submits to arbitrary decrees and regulations, which infringe its customary privileges, it will be only from inability to resist, not from conviction of the justice of such proceedings. Nor will an involuntary submission to the injuries of one party, appear to the sufferer a sufficient reason for the other to inflict equal injuries upon him. He will never allow that the wrong done by one can be converted into right, when returned by the other. In fact, as soon as the law of equity between nations is deserted, nothing remains but the law of force, the conclusions of which will change with the changes of present power. Expedience is then the sole consideration; and it is superfluous to argue upon principles, which have no influence upon the decision.

Secondly, in speaking of the party divisions in the American States, it is common for our newswriters and others to employ the terms of the French and the English parties. Of these degrading designations, however, the pro

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