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therefore in this manner rather difcovered than fubdued the fouthern parts of the island, Cæfar returned into Gaul with his forces, and left the Britons to enjoy their customs, religion, and laws. But the inhabitants, thus relieved from the terror of his arms, neglected the performance of their stipulations, and only two of their states sent over hostages, according to the treaty. Cæfar it is likely was not much displeased at the omiffion, as it furnished him with a pretext of vifiting the island once more, and completing a conqueft which he had only begun.

Accordingly, the enfuing fpring, he fet fail for Britain with eight hundred fhips; and, arriving at the place of his former defcent, he landed without oppofition. The islanders being apprized of his invafion, had affembled an army and marched down to the fea-fide to oppofe him; but seeing the number of his forces, and the whole fea as it were covered with his shipping, they were ftruck with confternation, and retired to their places of fecurity. The Romans, however, pursued them to their retreats, until at last common danger induced these poor barbarians to forget their former diffenfions, and to unite their whole ftrength for the mutual defence of their liberty and poffeffions. Caffibelaunus was

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chofen to conduct the common caufe; and for fome time he harraffed the Romans in their march, and revived the defponding hopes of his countrymen. But no oppofition that undifciplined ftrength could make was able to reprefs the vigour and intrepidity of Cæfar. He difcomfited the Britons in every action; he advanced into the country, paffed the Thames in the face of the enemy, took and burned the capital city of Caffibelaunus, established his ally Mandubratius as fovereign of the Trinobantes; and having obliged the inhabitants to make him new fubmiffions, he again returned with his army into Gaul, having made himself rather the nominal than the real poffeffor of the island.

Whatever the ftipulated tribute might have been, it is more than probable, as there was no authority left to exact it, that it was but indifferently paid. Upon the acceffion of Auguftus, that emperor had formed a defign of vifiting Britain, but was diverted from it by an unexpected revolt of the Pannonians. Some years after he refumed his defign; but being met in his way by the British ambassadors, who promised the accustomed tribute, and made the usual fubmiffions, he defifted from his intentions. The year following, find

Ant.Ch.16.

ing them remifs in their fupplies, and untrue to their former profeffions, he once more prepared for the invasion of the country; but a well-timed embaffy again averted his indignation, and the fubmiffions he received feemed to fatisfy his refentment: upon his death-bed he appeared fenfible of the overgrown extent of the Roman empire, and he recommended it to his fucceffors never to enlarge their territories.

Tiberius followed the maxims of Auguftus, and wifely judging the empire already too extenfive, made no attempt upon Britain. Some Roman foldiers having been wrecked on the British coaft, the inhabitants not only affifted them with the greatest humanity, but fent them in fafety back to their general. In confequence of these friendly difpofitions, a conftant intercourse of good offices fubfifted between the two nations; the principal British nobility reforted to Rome, and many received their education there.

From that time the Britons began to improve in all the arts which contribute to the advancement of human nature. The firft art which a favage people is generally taught by their politer neighbours is that of war. The Britons, thenceforward, though not wholly

wholly addicted to the Roman method of fighting, nevertheless adopted feveral of their improvements, as well in their arms as in their arrangement in the field. Their ferocity to ftrangers, for which they had been always remarkable, was mitigated; and they began to permit an intercourse of commerce even in the internal parts of the country. They ftill, however, continued to live as herdfmen and hunters, a manifest proof that the country was as yet but thinly inhabited. A nation of hunters can never be populous, as their fubfiftence is neceffarily diffused over a large tract of country, while the hufbandman converts every part of nature to human use, and flourishes most by the vicinity of thofe whom he is to support.

The wild extravagancies of Caligula, by which he threatened Britain with an invasion, served rather to expofe him to ridicule than the island to danger. The Britons therefore, for almost a century, enjoyed their liberty unmolefted, till at length the Romans, in the reign of Claudius, began to think seriously of reducing them under their dominion. The expedition for this purpose was conducted in the beginning by Plautius and other command

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A. D. 43.

ers, with that fuccefs which usually attended the Roman arms.

Claudius himself finding affairs fufficiently prepared for his reception, made a journey thither, and received the fubmiffion of fuch states as, living by commerce, were willing to purchafe tranquillity at the expence of freedom. It is true that many of the inland provinces preferred their native fimplicity to imported elegance, and, rather than bow their necks to the Roman yoke, offered their bofoms to the fword. But the fouthern coaft, with all the adjacent inland country, was feized by the conquerors, who fecured the poffeffion by fortifying camps, building fortreffes, and planting colonies. The other parts of the country either thought themselves in no danger, or continued patient fpectators of the approaching devastation.

Caractacus was the first who seemed willing, by a vigorous effort, to rescue his country and repel its infulting and rapacious conquerors. The venality and corruption of the Roman prætors and officers who were appointed to levy the contributions in Britain ferved to excite the indignation of the natives, and give spirit to his attempts. This rude foldier, though with

inferior

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