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his return to his native country was, if poffible, rendered still more grateful to me, by the materials he had collected for my use. Among thefe, I had the pleasure to find several beautiful poems of Lorenzo de' Medici, the originals of which are depofited in the Laurentian Library, although the former editors of his works appear not to have had the flightest information refpecting them. These poems, which have been copied with great accuracy, and, where it was possible, collated with different manuscripts, will for the first time be given to the public at the close of the prefent volume. The munificence of the late Great Duke Leopald, and the liberality of the Marquis Riecardi had laid open the inestimable treafures of their collections to every inquirer; and under the regulations of the venerable Canonico Bandini, to whose labours the literary hiftory of Italy is highly indebted, fuch arrangements have been adopted in the Laurentian Library, that every difficulty which might retard research is effectually removed. Unlike the immense but ill-digested and almost prohibited collections of the Vatican, the libraries of Florence are the common property of the learned of all nations; and an inftitution founded by Cofmo, and promoted by Lorenzo de' Medici, yet fubfifts, the noblest monument of their glory, the most authentic depofitory of their fame." The first chapter of this valuable work is introductory. It contains a flight sketch of the history of the Republic of Florence and of the House of Medici, till the time of Cosmo de' Medici, the grandfather of Lorenzo, of whofe life it presents us with a full and interesting account.

The History of Florence had indeerd been delineated in a manner fo masterly by Machiavel, that it would have been prudent in any modern author to have abstained from it, even if it had a natural connexion with his subject. It is perhaps the most instructive work which has appeared in modern times, on the nature and caufes of those convulfions that are incident to popular governments. If Tacitus be juftly celebrated for having painted with so much force the excesses of regal tyranny, and the atrocious cruelty that lurks beneath the exterior of polished manners, among nations who are advanced from refinement into corruption, the Florentine History of Machiavel deserves fimilar praise for an equally admirable picture of the vices which belong to a different ftate of fociety, of the rage of faction and ferocity of civil diffenfion, which feem inseparable from extreme democracy, of the banishments, prefcriptions, and confiscations, which have but too uniformly characterized that species of government.

The account of the House of Medici is scarcely interesting till, under Cofmo, the history of that family becomes the history of literature. From that period, indeed, the remark of Lipfius is juftified, that they feem to have been a race particularly destined by Providence for the restoration and protection of polite letters. There is perhaps nothing more interesting in literary annals, than the discovery of ancient manuscripts by those learned men who were patronized by Cosmo de Medici. What cultivator or admirer of literature will not, even now, feel fome agitation, when he reflects that fifty years more of neglect might

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might have destroyed the works of Lucretius and Quintilian; and who can help feeling the most poignant regret, when he confiders that, at that critical and interesting period, a little more early or more fortunate fearch might have preferved the Decades of Livy? Though, however the more early history of the house of Medici does not poffess so general an interest, it is not without important political instruction. We find that this family, which at length acquired absolute power in the republic of which they were citizens, paved the way to that despotic authority by being champions for popular privileges and leaders of the democratic party. This is the path which, in almost every age, has been trodden by those who have shackled the liberties of their country. It was from the shoulders of the rabble that Pififtratus, Cæfar, and Cromwell, mounted the throne: and the patrons of licentiousness have almost uniformly proved to be only candidates for tyranny. Far be it from us to make any inference from these facts which might discourage great and generous minds from exertions in the defence of liberty, the noblest exercise of the human faculties in the fervice of mankind; and equally distant is it from our wishes to impede the progress of fuch minds, and to defraud them of that glory which is their just reward, by diffufing a base, ignoble, and haraffing diftruft of their purity: but, if our voice could have any authority or effect, we should never cease to inculcate on the citizens of free states the neceflity of fufpecting the honesty of violent men, of detecting the tyrant in the disguise of the demagogue, and of perpetually diftinguishing those who contend for the

laws, the constitution, and the liberties of their country, from those who would facrifice that conftitution and those laws under pretext of vifionary philanthropy, but often merely for the purposes of interested ambition:-Homines non tam mutandarum quam evertendarum rerum cupidi.

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The second chapter of Mr. Rofcoe's work is employed in describing the early periods of the life of Lorenzo, and the administration of Pierro de' Medici, who was inferior in abilities both to his father Cofmo and his fon Lorenzo; and whose life is diftinguished by little else than that patronage of literature which was heriditary in his family. In the third chapter, we find Lorenzo himself, as the first citizen of Florence, without any name or appearance of fupreme magistracy, called to the administration of the affairs of the republic; with a fingular and undefinable species of authority, fomewhat fimilar to that which Pericles enjoyed at Athens, and which fatisfied the ambition of Pompey, at Rome. The authority and afcendancy of a powerful citizen guided the public affairs, without violating the forms of a free constitution. Salva Libertate Potens.

Several curious subjects are treated in this chapter. The city of Florence is perhaps the only one of which the "Merchants" literally became " Princes." Mr. Rofcoe has presented us with fome very striking proofs of the wealth of the house of Medici. In a period of only thirty-seven years, they had expended, in works of charity or public utility, a sum of not less than 663,755 florins; and if we take into the account the value of money 360 years ago, this sum will appear [*L3] almot

almost incredible. The inquiries of our author into the particulars of the traffic, which was the fource of fuch enormous wealth, have not proved very fuccefsful; though it would have highly gratified our curiofity to have understood the commercial transactions of these illuftrious merchants, who "correfponded at once with Cairo and London, and often imported a cargo of Indian spices and Greek books in the fame veflel." *

The prevalence of the Platonic philofophy in Italy forms another subject of pleasing and interesting defcription. The amiable and fublime vifions of Plato associated more eafily with that polite literature which began to revive in the west, than the fevere and harsh logic of his great disciple and rival. Even the adoption of new errors contributed to restore the activity and independence of the human mind, by delivering it from that bigotted adherence to the Peripatetic philofofophy, which had for fo many centuries shackled its powers and impeded its progrefs.

A review of the poems of Lorenzo, with ample remarks in general, forms the fubject of the 5th chapter, in which the author is naturally led to an account of the rise of the Italian poetry in general.

The fecond volume of this history opens with some remarks on the vigilance with which Lorenzo de Medici laboured to preferve that balance of strength, among the powers of Italy, which was fo necessary to the fecurity of every individual state; a principle of policy that was then perhaps for the first time regularly and fyftematically adopted, and which has continued to be the great hinge on which the

affairs of Europe have turned from
that period, down to the commence-
ment of those tremendous revolu-
tions in our times, that threaten to
bury all ancient systems and estab-
lishments in one common ruin. Our
readers will peruse these obferva-
tions with pleasure :

The fituation of Italy at this pe-
riod, afforded an ample field for
the exercise of political talents.
The number of independent states
of which it was composed, the ine-
quality of their strength, the ambi-
tious views of fome, and the ever
active fears of others, kept the
whole country in continual agitation
and alarm. The vicinity of these
states to each other, and the nar-
row bounds of their respective do-
minions, required a promptitude of
decision, in cafes of disagreement,
unexampled in any subsequent pe-
riod of modern history. Where the
event of open war seemed doubtful,
private treachery was without scru-
ple resorted to; and where that
failed of success, an appeal was
again made to arms. The ponti-
fical fee had itself fet the example
of a mode of conduct that burft a-
funder all the bonds of fociety, and
operated as a convincing proof that
nothing was thought unlawful which
appeared to be expedient. To
counterpoise all the jarring interests
of these different governments, to
restrain the powerful, to fuccour
the weak, and to unite the whole
in one firm body, so as to enable
them on the one hand, fucccefsfully
to oppose the formidable power of
the Turks, and on the other, to re-
pel the incursions of the French and
the Germans, both of whom were
objects of terror to the less warlike
inhabitants of Italy, were the im-
portant ends which Lorenzo pro-
pofed

* Gibbon, Decline and Fall, vol. 12. 8vo. edit, p. 186.

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pofed to accomplish. The effectual defence of the Florentine dominions against the incroachments of his more powerful neighbours, though perhaps his chief inducement for engaging in so extensive a project, appeared in the execution of it, rather as a necessary part of his system, than as the principal object which he had in view. In these transactions we may trace the first decisive instance of that political arrangement, which was more fully developed and more widely extended in the fucceeding century, and which has fince been denominated the balance of power. Casual al liances, arifing from consanguinity, from personal attachment, from vicinity, or from interest, had indeed frequently fubfifted among the Italian states; but these were only partial and temporary engagements, and rather tended to divide the country into two or more powerful parties, than to counterpoise the interefts of individual governments, fo as to produce in the refult the general tranquillity.

The fixth chapter to which these remarks form the introduction, is employed in details of the public conduct of Lorenzo; and it concludes with an interesting account of the great reputation which he enjoyed throughout Europe, and of the high degree of profperity that Florence, and indeed all Italy, in a great meafure, owed to the wisdom and honesty of his counfels.

In the 7th chapter our attention is again directed to the more attractive subject of the progrefs of literature. From the crowd of interesting passages which obtrude themfelves on us we shall felect one which will tend to console the vanity of the unfortunate inmates of the gar

ret, by the recollection of the greatness and importance which their predeceffors enjoyed in former times.

• Such were the causes that in the fifteenth century concured to promote the study of the ancient languages in Italy; but one circumstance yet remains to be noticed, which was perhaps more efficacious than any other in giving life and energy to these pursuits. An acquaintance with the learned languages was, at this period, the most direct path, not only to riches and literary fame, but to political eminence; and the most accomplished scholars were in almost every government of Italy, the first minifters of the time. This arose in a great degree from the very general ufe of the Latin tongue, in the negociations of different states, which rendered it almost impossible for any person to undertake the management of public affairs, without an habitual acquaintance with that language; but this was more particularly exemplified in Florence, where the most permanent officers were uniformly selected on account of their learning. During a long course of years the place of fecretary, or chancellor of the republic, (for these terms seem to have been indifcriminately ufed)

first distinction. In the beginning of the fifteenth century, it was held by Colluccio Salutati, who had been the intimate friend of Petrarca and of Boccaccio, and is denominated by Poggio, "The common father and inftructor of all the learned." He was fucceeded by Leonardo Aretino, whose services to the republic were repaid by many privileges and favours conferred on himfelf and his discendants. After the death of Leonardo, this office was [*L4] given given to Carlo Marsuppini, and was afterwards fuccessively held by Poggio Bracciolini, and Benedetto Ac. colti; during a great part of the time that the affairs of Florence were directed by Lorenzo de' Medici, the chancellor of the republic was Bartolomeo Scala, whole life affords the best example of the honours and emoluments which were derived from the cultivation of literature. Scala deduced his origin from parents of the lowest rank, nor did he possess from his birth even the privileges of a Florentine citizen. An early proficiency in letters recommended him to the notice of Cosmo de' Medici, and it was the pride of Scala to avow the meanness of his birth, and the obligations which he owed to his earliest patron. The loss of Cosmo was amply compensated to Scala by the favour of his descendants, through whose assistance he gradually rose to honours and to affluence, and in the year 1472, was intrusted with the feal of the republic. In imitation of his predeceffors in this office, Scela began a history of Florence, of which he lived to complete only four books. His apologues are highly commended by Landino and Ficino. Of his poetry, specimens remain both in the Latin and Italian languages, and the former have obtained a place in the celebrated collection of the Latin poems of his illustrious countrymen. Confidering the proverbial uncertainty of public favour, the life of Scala may be efteemed a life of unusual profperity. He transacted the concerns of the republic, with acknowledged fidelity, industry, and ability, arrived at the highest dignities of the state, amassed wealth, ranked with men of learning, and left at his

death a numerous progeny to inherit his riches and his refpectability. In his controversy with Politiano, he appears however as a scholar to manifest disadvantage; but the impetuosity of his adversary hurried him into a contest which it is evident he would willingly have avoided, and in which every effort to extricate himself only brought down a feverer chastisement.'

If the circumstances before related were not fufficiently characteriftic of the spirit of the times, we might advert to the other governments of Italy; where we should find, that offices of the highest truft and confidence, were often filled by men who quitted the superintendance of an academy, or the chair of a profeffor, to transact the affairs of a nation. Alfonso, king of Naples, and Francesco Sforza, contended in liberality with each other, to secure the services of Beccatelli. Pontano was the confidential adviser, and frequently the representative to other powers, of Ferdinand, the fon of Alfonfo. The brothers of the family of Simoneta directed for a confiderable time the affairs of Milan. Bernardo Bembo, and Francesco Barbaro, maintained the literary no less than the political digniry of the Venetian Republic, and left each of them a fon who eclipsed the reputation of his father. When eminent talents were not engaged in public fervices, they were rewarded by the most flattering attention, and often by the pecuniary bounty of illuftrious individuals, who relaxed from the faftidiousness of rank, in the company of men of learning, or have left memorials of their regard by their epiftolary correfpondence.

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