the first year of Batavian li- By order of the provifional repre- R. W. TADAMA, Sec. Second Proclamation by the fame. LIBERTY, EQUALITY, FRATERNITY. Citizens, THE affembly of provifional reprefentatives of the commune of Amfterdam having received, from time to time, and on the part of different citizens, demands, tending to the embracing of measures which would put into a state of arreft in general the former members of the now-abolished government, and other fufpected perfons; the affembly has not only been conftantly of opinion that it ought not to embrace fuch meafures, but it alfo thinks itfelf obliged to explain to all its compatriots in general, and to the inhabitants of Amfterdam in particular, whom it reprefents, what is its manner of thinking on a fubje& of this importance, and what are the principles on which its opinion is founded. We shall fet out, citizens, with declaring, that we neither could nor would, for a fingle moment, fuppofe that the repeated inftances of a part of our fellow-citizens to make us take rigorous measures, could proceed from any motive of hatred or revenge. The Dutch, from the very moment when they firft broke their chains, gave to aftonished Europe too grand an example of generofity and humanity, to let us believe that they would fully that glory in the moments of tranquillity, by avenging themfelves on a fet of humbled He' defpots, deprived of all ftrength. Such, citizens, are our fentiments; fuch ought to be your's. Real guardians of freedom and equality, you are capable of perceiving their value and their force; and woe betide the country if this do&rine fhall not become the univerfal doctrine of the nation. Since then, citizens, we cannot differ on these principles, it will be eafy to convince the virtuous patriot, that the fyftem which we have adopted in our affenbly, is in effect the only one that agrees with the real interefts of the country. Let us begin by prefenting to your view the great end that every honeft man, and above all, every citizen entrusted with any public authority, ought to propofe to himfelf. This end ought to be, to fettle this revolution upon the most immoveable foundations, to the end that all the inhabitants of the land may feel the permanent bene P 3 fits fits of the focial life under the adminiftration founded on the principles of freedom and equality. See here, citizens, the great end that a good man ought perpetually to have before his eyes; and he, who has other views, whether he be placed in the fenate, whether be Jabour in another fphere, or whether he be in a private fituation, (the moft enviable, doubtlefs, of all fituations) plays, under the mafk of patriotiin, the part of an hypocrite, and a deceiver of the people. But how to attain this end? No method more likely than to fhew on the one hand, grandeur and generofity with respect to the past; on the other, to be fevere and inexorable to all attempts against freedom and the fupremacy of the people. Citizens, philofophers of all nations and ages have invariably judged, that when civil diffentions are over, the conquering party has always been guilty of injuftice, when it has thought worthy of punishment actions which the chiefs of the conquered party have done to maintain their caufe, and has, in confequence of thefe principles, fet on foot a general perfecution.Actions, which are at all times criminal; actions, which are morally bad, independently of all political relations, and confequently al ways punithable, are then the only ones that can, according to the principles of juftice, be taken into confideration. Thefe are alfo the only actions which a righteous judge, whofe judgment ought not to be directed by any influence of political paffions, will efteem criminal and worthy of punishment; and not thofe actions which we at prefent moft juftly confider as highly pernicious, but which have been committed under the eyes, and with the plenary approbation of the preceding government. If we reject these principles, there is no longer fecurity for any human action; and let it not be diffembled, that he who preaches a contrary doctrine, proclaims in effect the right of the ftrongeft, and confequently the favourite right of tyrants. Let none imagine, citizens, that the true intereft of the nation can, either in this point of view, or in any other, differ from the rules of juftice. Never do the true interefts of a nation exact the flighteft deviation from the rules of juftice and good faith, under what foever pretext. Our country will fupport itfelf or be cruthed, as it hall adopt or reject these truths. The fyftem of terror, already quite banifhed from the French Republic, cannot be tolerated a single inftant in that fpot of the earth where we live; it would fink us in ruin for ever. Our political conftitution, our local fituation, our commercial relations, are all circumstances too delicate to fupport repeated fcenes of violence and political fhocks. Caft your eyes, citizens, upon the ftate of the finances of your country, of your city. Will it not require all the zeal, all the elafticity of a commercial nation, to fill your exhaufted coffers? But are this zeal and this elasticity compatible with a fyftem of terror? Doubtlefs not: in bringing to perfection this revolution, one fort of terror only ought to be tolerated: terror to those who have the hardinefs and malice to undertake any thing against the revolution. The most fevere penalties against fuch men will be fo much the more equitable, as our conduct conduct with refpet to the past thall be noble and generous. It is a great mistake, citizens, to compare the circumstances of France in the courfe of her revolution, with our's. It was not in France a fpirit of revenge for the crimes committed under the old government which occafioned thefe repeated fcenes of terror; but the violent oppofition to the revolution itself which occafioned the neceflity of a proportionable vigilance to cruth all confpiracies. But what oppofition, citizens, have we to expect? if a wife and juft adminiftration completes this revolution, is not the doctrine of freedom and equality fo amiable in itself, fo deeply graven in our nature, that it will foon penetrate all hearts with irrefiftible energy? Will not all who have been misled by court artifices return from their error? Let us fhew by facts, that a democratical government, well ordered, is not only poffible, but that it is the fole form of government that accords with the dignity of man; and foon will this order of things be established by univerfal confent upon the fureft foundations. Let us prove the falfehood of all the rumours that have been spread among the multitude, whether they proceed (O fhame!) from the chair, or from the bofom of the councils, and foon will the multitude itfelf defpife its feducers. Slander painted the doctrine of freedom and equality, as the immediate fource of confufion, and the grave of religion. But, citizens, where will flander now hide her head, when every citizen is protected in his perfon, in his, property; and when the gates of the temples are open to every one, that he may adore our common father in the manner to which he is prompted by the feelings of his heart? Thefe are the lively effects of a wife and philofophic policy, which can and ought happily to accomAll the poplith this revolution. litical diffentions, all the revolutions that have taken place in this ftate fince its origin, vanifh before fo interefting a revolution as the prefent. They were only disputes between party and party; trials of kill for the moft part between knaves and knaves; in which the people had no part to play but the part of the dupe. To-day it is the caufe of the people itfelf in which we labour, in which you all ought to labour. To day it is not a faction, but the nation herself, who is victorious. We must direct our views, not to the welfare of a few defpots, but to the happiness of the whole nation. Let us then always, citizens, confider our revolution under this important regard. Let us endeavour to give it fuch a direction that it fhall be in vain to seek to foment new political diffentions; let the example of our depofed defpots be to us a leffon to avoid the bafe as well as the impolitic faults they have committed. Have their fenfelefs perfecutions made the prifons of this country cry for vengeance, and the complaints of the Dutch, become fugitives in all parts of the world, call forth curfes upon their adminiftration? Let us make it our glory to convince Europe, that it is the Dutch nation, and not a faction, that now triumphs; that it is the caufe of freedom and equality, not the fpirit of revenge and deftruction; in fhort, that found policy now reigns on one fide tó P 4 make make a cordial offer of the right hand of fellowship to her ftray brethren, and not to drive them to defpaif; on the other, to hold high the fword of punishment, in order to ftrike the first traitor that henceforth fhall prefume to oppofe the freedom and fupremacy of the people. For though the first part of this alternative be the true end of the real friend of humanity, the other ought no lefs to fix the attention of the fevere republican, that those who lie in ambush against freedom, may fee even from afar, that their actions are carefully watched, and that the nation which fo generouf ly pardons, is ready to inflict exemplary punishment on criminals the moment her freedom is attacked. Such, citizens, are the motives of the conduct we have purfued; fuch is the rule of our actions. We believe that a firm adherence to this fyftem is the only method of completing the revolution, and of fixing the univerfal national happi nefs on the foil of Batavia. Decreed the 11th of February, 1795, the first year of Dutch liberty. Published the 13th of February following. By order of the above-mentioned reprefentatives. G. BRENDER, A. BRANDIS, Secretary. Proclamation of the Council of State in the Regency of Neufchatel, a Pruffian Principality in Switzerland. THE council of ftate having lately taken into confideration the cafe of French emigrants, hitherto tolerated in this country from fen timents of humanity, and perceir ing with fome inquietude the increafing fcarcity of provifions, and that the conduct of fome among the emigrants is very cenfurable and directly in defiance of our public orders, by keeping up upon the frontiers of France fecret intelligence, and by committing acts of violence, which tend to disturb the prefent tranquillity of the ftate and good neighbourhood. The council having given attention to the duty it owes to the Helvetic affociation of this fovereignty, from which results its prefent happy neutrality, it is judged indifpenfable for the good of the fate, which ought to be the firft object of our folicitude, to order the general expulfion of the above-named emigrants before the 1ft of April next. In pursuance of which, the proper officers are directed in the firft inftance, to make out immediately a new lift of French emigrants who refide in their refpective jurifdic tions, particularizing the age, fex, and vocation of each, and likewife the name of the person at whofe houfe they live, and to fend this lift with as much difpatch as poffible to the council of ftate. In the fecond place, they are directed to have this edit publicly read at the conclufion of divine fervice next Sunday, in each place of public worship, in order that fuch emigrants may prepare themselves to obey it, and that thofe at whofe houfes they refide may not hereafter pretend ignorance; and if any emigrants fhall be found in this country after the period fixed, they fhall be expelled by an ef cort, as dangerous and fufpicious people. The council alfo apprifes thofe those who harbour emigrants, that if any fuch perfon fhall be found under their protection, after the time fixed for their departure, every perfon giving that protection will be regarded as connivers in the difobedience to this edict, and will be profecuted with the utmoft rigour of the law, as enemies to the public welfare. Finally, the council declares, that if fuch emigrants before their departure dare to commit any act of violence on the territory of France, they fhall be apprehended and given up to the French. Given in council held under our prefidence in the caftle of Neufchatel, the 27th of January, 1795. (Signed) MARVAL. Declaration of the Prince of Orange. THE prince of Orange has hitherto thought it unneceffary to publish the motives which induced him to abfent himself for fome time from his country, being convinced that no perfon could, with any fhadow of juftice, accufe him of the fmalleft crime in having quitted the territories of the provinces of Holland, after the ftates of that province had thought proper to fend deputies to the commanders of the enemy's forces to capitulate, or rather to fubmit to them; but the refolution taken by the pretended ftates general the 24th of February laft, on the motion made in that affembly the 31ft of January by the deputies of the pretended provifional reprefentatives of the people of Holland, having come to his knowledge, in which they thought proper to abolith the office of ftadtholder, captain-general and hereditary admiral, with which this prince was invefted, alledging, as a motive for this refolution, that he himself had abdicated them; he feels it incumbent on himfelf to be no longer filent, and to repel this calumny by a fimple and exact statement of the facts which preceded and rendered neceffary his departure from the territories of the United States. The inundations formed for the defence of the republic, and in particular for that of the province of Holland (as well as the rivers in that country) being frozen in December last, there no longer remained any means of defending the provinces of Utrecht and Holland, after the retreat of the army commanded by general count Walmoden from the borders of the Waal and of the Rhine; the troops of the ftate, which might have been employed in the defence of thefe two provinces, being reduced (as well by hardfhips which the army fuftained during the laft campaign, as by fickness) to too finall a number to garrifon fufficiently thofe pofts which it was neceffa.y thould be occupied in order to prevent the enemy from penetrating. It must here be obferved, that a great part of the troops which were in thefe two provinces could not be employed againft the enemy, in virtue of the capitulations which many places had made, and in which it was ftipulated that their garrifons fhould be fent into the interior of the republic, after having fworn not to ferve against the armies of France during the war until they were exchanged. The ftates of Utrecht, therefore, thought it right to capitulate on |