Meffage from the King, Dec. 8, 1795. George Rex. HIS majefty relying on the affurances which he has received from his faithful commons, of their determination to fupport his majefty in thofe exertions which are neceffary under the prefent circumftances, recommends it to this houfe to confider of making provifion towards enabling his majefty to defray any extraordinary expences which may be incurred for the fervice of the enfuing year, and to take fuch measures as the exigencies of affairs may require. His majefty, on this occafion, thinks proper to acquaint the house, that the crifis which was depend. ing at the commencement of the prefent feilion, has led to fuch an order of things in France, as will induce his majefty, conformably to the fentiments which he has already declared, to meet any difpofition for negotiation on the part of the enemy, and with an earneft defire to give it the fulleft and fpeedieft effect, and to conclude a treaty for a general peace, whenever it can be effected on juft and fuitable terms for himself and his allies. It is his majefty's earnest wish, that the fpirit and determination manifefted by parliament, added to the recent and important fucceffes of the Auftrian armies, and to the continued and growing embarraffments of the enemy, may fpeedily conduce to the attainment of this object, on fuch grounds as the juftice of the cause in which this country is engaged, and the fituation of affairs may entitle his majefty to expect. G. R. Mejage from his Majefty to both Houfes, Dec. 8, 1795. George Rex. HIS majefty thinks proper to acquaint the house of commons, that a confiderable divifion of fhips, having on board foreign troops in the service of Great Britain, having been difperfed and damaged while on their paffage from the rivers Elbe and Wefer to Spithead, the place of rendezvous appointed for the convoy under which it was intended they should be fent on diftant foreign fervice, his majefty has found it unavoidably neceffary to order the faid troops to be difembarked, and to be ftationed in barracks near Southampton, and in the isle of Wight; and at the fame time has given directions, that they fhall be re-embarked, and fent to the place of their deftination, as foon as the tranfports neceffary for their ac commodation and conveyance shall be in readiness to receive them, the neceffary orders for that purpofe having, by his majesty's com mand, been already given. G. R. Protef Proteft of Lord Stanhope against our interfering in the internal Affairs of France, Jan. 6, 1795. ift, BECAUSE the motion made for the house to adjourn, was profeffedly intended to get rid of the following refolution, viz. "Refolved, that this country ought not, and will not, interfere in the internal affairs of France; and that it is expedient explicitly to declare the fame." zdly, Because I hold that it is contrary both to equity and policy for any foreign country to interfere in the internal affairs or conftitution of the French republic, or of any other independent nation. 3dly, Because the government of Great Britain (not having been elected by the citizens of France) can have no more right to give to France a monarchical, or other form of government whatever, than the crowned defpots of Pruffia and of Ruffia had to overturn the free conftitution of now unhappy Poland. 4thly, Because I heartily difapprove and reprobate the doctrine advanced by minifters in the debate; namely, that to reftore the antient and hereditary monarchy of France no expence fhould be fpared. And I reprobate that pernicious and uncivic doctrine the more ftrongly, from its not having been fuddenly, haftily, or inconfiderately started; but from its having been taken up (as it was folemnly declared) upon the utmost deliberation. 5thly, Because I deem it to be an injuftice committed by minifters towards my fellow-citizens, to adopt a principle which fhall render it neceffary for the government of Great Britain to lay farther heavy burdens upon the people, and to tax their houfes, their windows, their beds, their candles, their thoes, and many other conveniences, and the neceffaries of life, in order to provide a fund to attempt the accomplishment of fuch a wicked purpofe as afore faid. 6thly, Because the propofed re folution above ftated was intended by me as a folemn pledge that the government of this nation would not interfere in the internal af fairs of France; but the refufal of the houfe to give fuch a pledge tends to fhut the door to peace, and confequently tends to infure the ruin of this manufacturing, commercial, and once happy country; particularly confidering the increased, and rapidly increasing, ftrength of the navy of the French republic, independently of the profpect there is of their having the navies of Holland and Spain under their immediate influence. 7thly, Because the public funds, the paper currency, and the public and private credit of this country, will probably be unequal to ftand against the tremendous fhock to which minifters will now expofe them. 8thly, Because I think that franknefs, fairness, humanity, and the principles of honefly, and of juftice, are always, in the end, the beft policy: and I believe it to be true, in regard to nations (as well as with respect to individuals), that "nothing that is not juft can be wife, or likely to be ultimately profperous." 9thly, Because I lament the more, that the house should refute to ditclaim the interfering in the internal conftitution of France, inafmuch as by the new conftitution of of the French republic, one and indivifible, adopted by the prefent national convention, on the 23d of June, 1793, and under the title of "the relation of the French republic with foreign nations," and by the articles 118 and 119 of that conftitution, it is declared and enacted, that "The French people is the “friend and natural ally of every "free nation. It does not inter"fere with the government of "other nations; it does not suffer "that other nations fhould inter"fere with its own." So frank, fo fair, and fo explicit a declaration on their part, did, in my opinion, entitle them to a better fpecics of return. rothly, Because I conceive that a true republican form of government, being firmly established in France, is much more fafe for the liberties of the people of Great Britain, than the tyrannical, capricious, perfidicus, fecret, intriguing, and reftlefs ancient monarchy of France; or than any other monarchy they could there eftablish: but even if I were of a direct oppofite way of thinking, I would not be guilty of the grofs injuftice of attempting to force a monarchy upon them contrary to their incli neceffity, appears to me to be a profane tempting of Divine Providence, in whofe benign and almighty hands the fate of battles and of empires is placed. 13th, Because I wish to wash my hands entirely of all the innocent blood that may be shed in this war with France, of all the carnage which may take place, and of all the deftruction, confufion, and devaftation (perhaps in Great Britain itfelf) which may enfue.' 14th, Because it was my object to preclude the government of Great Britain from attempting to ftir up, or excite infurrections in La Vendee, or any other department of the French republic; and the refolution I moved was well calculated for that purpose. And, 15th, Because the maxim of" do not to others that which you would not with done to your felf," is an unerring rule, founded upon the clear principle of juftice, that is to fay, of equality of rights. It is upon that ftrong and folid ground that I make my ftand; and all public men, in order to merit the confidence of the British people, muft fhew their determination to act with franknefs, and with unequivocal good faith and juftice, towards the French republic. Having, upon this most important and momentous fubject, frequently ftood alone, and having alfo been, upon this laft occafion, totally unfupported in the divifion, if I should therefore ceafe, at prefent, to attend this house (where I have been placed by the mere accident of birth), fuch of my fellow-citizens as are friends to freedom, and who may chance to read this my folemn proteft, will find, that I have not altered my fenti ments ments or opinions, and that I have not changed any of my principles; for my principles never can be changed. And thofe fellow-citizens will alfo find, that I hereby pledge myfelf to my country, that I fhall continue, what I ever have been, a zealous and unshaken friend to peace, to juftice, and to liberty, political, civil, and religious; and that I am determined to die (as I have lived) a firm and fteady fupporter of the unalienable rights and of the happiness of all mankind. STANHOPE. Proteft against the 48 for further fufpending the Habeas Corpus A, Feb. 3, 1795. ift, BECAUSE, whatever pretence there may have exifted in the laft feffion of parliament for fufpending the habeas corpus act, that pretence is now removed; the partial ex parte examination of the committees of parliament having been refuted by the verdicts of juries, who, with labour unexampled in legal annals in this country, after duly weighing the evidence on both fides, acquitted the perfons indicted for a treasonable confpiracy. 2dly, Because intentions hoftile to the conftitution being entertained by perfons, few in number, and devoid of weight and confequence in the country, do not juftify the depriving all the people of Great Britain of that fecurity which our laws fo'anxiously provide for perfonal liberty. 3dly, Because we find, that as foon as these plots and confpiracies (which have heretofore caufed the fufpenfion of the people's right to their habeas corpus) had been dealt with according to law, and that the confpirators had been convicted and punished, the danger being over, the fufpenfion had dropped. In the fame manner, when the proved innocence of the accufed have negatived the fuppofed confpiracy, and when it is not even pretended that any new or other plot exifts, to continue to fufpend this great and effential fafeguard of our kingdom, is equally contrary to the example fet us by our ancestors, and inconsistent with that protection which, as legiflators, we are bound to afford to the perfonal fecurity of all our fellow-fubjects. 4thly, Because we confider that the national spirit of English freedom, to which was owing the high place that we once held amid furrounding nations, is either checked or deadened by causeless acts of defpotifm; or that the difguft neceffarily generated by fuch a conduct is likely (if any thing can produce fuch an effect upon this free and enlightened nation), to raise a fpirit of difaffection even to the conftitution itself. 5thly, Because when we trace the hiftory of the habeas corpus act, we find, among other fecurities from oppreffion, it was chiefly meant to enfure to the fubject a fpeedy trial, when accused of treafon or treasonable practices, and to avert the tyranny of tedious imprifonment for thofe crimes. We conceive, therefore, that if the legiflature is, upon all occafions of fufpicion of traiterous acts, to sufpend the operation of that moit important and invaluable ftatute, fecurity to the subject must be re Proteft against the Rejection of the Motion for treating with France, Feb. 12, 1795. BECAUSE we conceive the repeated declarations made in the name of the king, and the refolutions come to by this houfe, are, as they now ftand, an effectual bar to all negotiation with the prefent government of France, which can alone be removed by a refolution of a fimilar nature to that avoided by the previous queftion, and which is become the more neceffary, from the declaration of his majefty's mihifters in debate-that the government of France is of fuch a character as to preclude the poffibility of treating, fo long as they fhall continue to act on their present principles. a declaration which we conceive to convey little lefs than a determination to carry on the war upon fuch principles that it can alone be terminated by the deftruction of one or both of the na tions. BEDFORD, LAUDERDALE, BUCKINGHAMSHIRE, GUILFORD. Protest against the Rejection of the Motion for investigating the Caufe of Lord Fitzwilliam's Recal, Mny 8, 1795. ift, BECAUSE the removal, in the midst of a feffion of parliament, of fuch an officer of the crown as a lord-lieutenant of Ireland, the immediate and fole reprefentative of majetty in that kingdom, under the circumstances, is fingular, perhaps unprecedented. The effects of that bold and unufual measure, efpecially in the present critical state of affairs, cannot be indifferent. It is a fact notorious, and not contradicted, that the house of lords and the house of commons in that kingdom, did, at the moment of his refolemn vote and refolution of each cal, directly and explicitly, in a house, declare their confidence in the lord-lieutenant. It is a fact equally notorious, and equally uncontradicted, that these votes of confidence from both houses of the Irish parliament were in perfect wishes of all defcriptions of the conformity to the opinions and people of that nation. 2dly, Because a firong charge of malverfation in office, fupported by clear proof or ftrong prefumption, ought to be produced, to weigh against those folemn teftimonies of a parliament, and thofe declared opinions of a people, and to juftify a proceeding, the inevitable tendenfaction and difcord amongst his cy of which is to produce diffatifmajefty's fubjects in that kingdom. That the proceeding itself is within the prerogative there is no doubt; but there is no doubt also that this houfe is competent to an inquiry into all advice given to the crown, with regard to the ufe of that prerogative; and that it is its duty to make fuch inquiry in any event by make |