example. A motive that ought to influence the houfe in favour of the prince was the generofity with which parliament had increased the revenues of the crown, fince the king's acceffion, and that too in times of great difficulty and expence. Why fhould not the prince partake of the fame indulgence? He would, nevertheless, object to the fmallaets of the fum fet apart for the annual payment of the prince's creditors: it threw them at an unreafonable diftance from the term of final fettlement. A larger portion of his income ought to be appropriated to fojuft a purpofe; and he was of opinion, that not less than fixtyfive thousand pounds a year, together with the revenues of the duchy of Cornwall. fhould be facrificed to the liquidation of his debts. The credit arifing to him, from fo liberal an appropriation, would more than compenfate the inconveniences that might accrue from the flinted income to which he would of confequence be narrowed. Were thefe inconveniences to be put in competition with the applaufe he would gain from the whole kingdom? In order, however, to obviate the difficulties that might he apprehended from too circumforibed an income, Mr. Fox advifed the felling of the duchy of Cornwall; the produce of which would enable the prince to difcharge all incumbrances in three or four years. He ufed foveral other reafonings on the fubject'; after which the houfe divided on Mr. Gray's motion of amendment. Ninety-oine approved, and two hundred and fixty rejected it. The repairing of Carlton-houfe was carried by two hundred and forty-eight against ninety nine, and The marriage expences by two hundred and forty-one againfi a bandred.

Various other difcuffions took place on this fubject in both houtes, fimilar in matter and manner to what has been above-mentioned. It was infifted on by fome, that the duchy of Cornwall ought to be difpofed of for the purpofe in question, and by other, that it ought to remain unfaleable, and the revenue only made u'e of. A number of obfervations were alfo brought for ward relating to the nature of that duchy and its tenure, the moneys arifing from it during the prince's minority, and whether they were claimable on behalf of the prince. A multitude of arguments were produced on this occafion, and a tedious courte of litigation employed the attention of the houfe during feveral fittings.

In the houfe of lords, the duke of Clarence took fevere notice of the conduct of minifters towards the prince, his brother. They had, he faid, carefully deprived him, as far as lay in their power, of the popu larity to which he was jufily entitled, for the readinefs of his acquicfcence in all the measures propofed in relation to him, and bad endeavoured to imprefs the public with the idea that they only had confulted its interefts. They had alfo in the bill, to prevent future princes of Wales from contracting debts, pointed at him with unjuftifiable perfonality. It was certainly no equitable treatment of the prince, to fingle him out as an exception to the unbounded liberality with which they fupplied the foreign princes, who applied to them for pecuniary affifiance.

The duke of Bedford expreffed himself in much the fame manner. A variety of circumflances, he faid, would occur to candid minds in

of Ireland, throwing afide all religious animofities, united in a determination to place themfelves on a footing of intire independence on Great Britain, without breaking, however, the connection that held the two kingdoms together by the acknowledgment of one fovereign. This refolve was partly carried into execution; and during fome years, the controul of the British adminiftration over Ireland, remained uncertain and precarious. But the differences, between the Roman Catholics and the Protest ants, gradually diminished the cordiality with which they had united for their mutual fecurity, in the hour of common danger; and the fupport of England being indifpenfible, for the prefervation of the Proteftauts, thefe of course renewed their adherence to this country, which foon recovered its former afcendency, and felt at the fame time the neceffity of affording the ftrongeft countenance to that party; which, partly from religious, partly from political motives, it looked upon as bound for its own fafety to make one common caufe with Britain.

The population of Ireland is calculated at near four millions; three of these confift of Roman Catholics, the other million of Proteftants, one half of whom adheres to the Church of England, the other to that of Scotland, from which country the majority of the people of that perfuafion are originally defcended. But, though the antipathy of the Prefbyterians to the Church of Rome far exceeds that of the Epifcopalians, the exclufive privileges enjoyed by thofe in all matters relating to government, have by degrees contributed to reconcile the Roman Catholics with

the diffenters from the Church of England, and to connect them to gether in the pursuit of their political interefts.

The fuperiority of numbers, on the fide of the Catholics and Diffenters, amounting, according to their reprefentation, to feven-eighths of the whole nation, naturally excited their difcontent at their fubjection to fo inferior a proportion of their countrymen. The Roman Catho lics, in particular, whofe religious zeal was inflamed by the exaction of tythes and other ecclefiaftical dues, enforced upon them ufually with great ftrictnefs, frequently refifted the collectors, and treated them with unmerciful violence.

The moderate party in the Irish parliament, fearful of the confe quences that might enfue from this hoftile difpofition in fo vaft a majority of the inhabitants, thought it prudent to frame fuch regulations in the collection of tythes and church dues, as might remove the complaints of thofe who deemed themfelves aggrieved; but their endeayours to obtain from the legislature the establishment of fuch arrange. ments, as might prove lefs onerous were entirely fruftrated: the ruling party dreaded that, by complying with thefe demands, others would follow, attended with more danger cither in the grant or the refufal.

This repulle of an attempt which was thought equally confiftant with the justice and good policy, deeply exafperated all thofe who were af fected by it. Affemblies of the principal Roman Catholics were held, wherein it was refolved to ap. ply to the king himself, for a redrefs of thofe hardships, and of other legal oppreffions; and to petition him, at the fame time, for a participation

in all the rights of their fellow fubjects.

This was an application of the moft ferious nature. A total compliance or rejection were fraught with equal peril. The British miniftry were defirous to oblige one party without offending the other. But the Roman Catholics, numerous and determined, were become fo formidable, that it did not appear fafe to refufe the petition, which they were convinced was founded on manifeft equity. The Irish legiflature, on the other hand, compofed entirely of Proteftants, were zealous in oppofing demands that would place their antagonists on a parity with themfelves. Nor was the miniftry inclined to weaken in any ellential manner the Proteftant intereft in Ireland, on which alone it had long been used to place any reliance In order, therefore, to retain the attachment of the one, and not to lofe the good will of the other, an answer was returned to the petition, containing a number of material conceffions: the validity of marriages with Proteftants, the right of taking apprentices, of keeping fchools, and of pleading at the bar, with other privileges hitherto withheld from them, were fully established.

When the reftrictions fo many years laid on the Roman Catholics in Ireland, and of which they had fo bitterly complained, are duly confidered, thefe were certainly valuable conceffions: but the firmly cherished hope, of a total deliver ance from all difqualifications, was fo predominant among them, that these grants met with a cold reception.

The murmurs and difcontents that now prevailed both among the

Catholics and the Diffenters, excited the moft ferious alarms in England. The fecret connexions, fubfifting between many of the Irish and French revolutionifis, were justly dreaded, and it was not doubted, that thefe would exert their utmost efforts to ftir up infurrections in that kingdom.

It was in this critical juncture, that earl Fitzwilliam was appointed to the government of Ireland. His inclination to healing measures rendered this appointment peculiarly acceptable to the people of that kingdom, and he was received with univerfal fatisfaction. The ith parliament met on the 22d of Jannary, 1795, and unanimoufly voted him the moft favourable addreffes ; and, on the 9th of February, agreed to the ampleft fupplies that had ever been granted in that kingdom.

In the mean time, the Catholic party was preparing to renew its folicitations, and to enforce them with all the weight that time and circumftances would produce in their favour. Lord Fitzwilliam foon perceived that he would find it impracticable to defer the decifion on their demands, without incurring the higheft danger: in order to place himfelf in a favourable light with this formidable party, he em ployed, in the tranfactions with its leading members, a perfon in whom the Catholics univerfally confided, as a friend to conciliatory measures: this was the celebrated Mr. Grattan, whom they had felected as the moft proper and active member of the legiflature, for the affecting of their purpofes. He moved, accordingly, on the 12th of February, for leave to bring in a bill for the relief of perfons profefling the Roman Catholic religion.

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