order of the day, which was carried by 209 against 86.

The earl of Lauderdale made a fimilar motion to that of Mr. Wilberforce, in the house of lords, on the 5th of June, and supported it with much the fame reasonings, Spain, he obferved, was the only ally that was not in the pay of Great Britain. The loss of Holland rendered an augmentation of the military ftrength of the coalition impraeticable. Every power in Europe, even those hoftile to France, had virtually, if not formally, acknowledged the French republic. It was indecent in government to arrogate the exclufive privileges of deciding on the propriety of negotiation: in so weighty a cafe, as the prefent parliament had a right to interfere: he would therefore move, that an address should be presented to the king, requesting him to enter into a negotiation with France for a speedy and honourable peace.

Lord Grenville opposed this motion, chiefly on the ground that the French would conftrue a negotiation, thus recommended by the voice of parliament, as proceeding from defpair of fuccefs. The hands of minifters would be tied down, and freedom of action would be taken from them in the most effential execution of their office. Such, in the mean time, were the preparations for the enfuing campaign, on the part of the emperor, aided by the powerful fubfidies of Great Britain, that a force would be brought into the field fully competent to meet that of the enemy. A vigorous resistance to the ambition of France was neceffary for the security of Europe. To fpeak of the empire as difpofed to a pacification, without recovering the provinces feized by the

French, betrayed a total want of infight into its indispensible interefts. The prefumed willingness of the French to negotiate was a manifest error, as they had even refused to treat for so usual a thing in war, as an exchange of prisoners. After a few other observations from both fides, lord Lauderdale's motion was negatived by 53 againft 8.

From

The imperial loan was the next fubject that engaged the attention of the houfe: it was brought forward, on the 28th of May, by Mr. Pitt, who observed, that every fecurity had been provided for payment of both the interest and principal to the lenders, and moved that the whole should be guaranteed. Mr. Fox objected to the agreement made by government with the emperor, as placing ourselves in his power without any certainty that he would perform the ftipulations agreed upon. four to fix millions were to be advanced him, proportionably to the augmentation of the force to be employed against France, beyond the original ftipulation of two hundred thoufand men. But nothing precife had been decided, and we were totally uninformed of the exact proportion intended. The conduct of the emperor in the military tran factions that had taken place, did, by no means, entitle him to fuch implicit faith from this country. It had been afferted, and not contradicted by minifters, that, in a fituation of the most imminent danger, he had refused the assistance de manded of him, and evidently need. ed by the British troops. Notwithstanding this ungenerous and inequitable treatment, we still continued to pay him one hundred thousand pounds a month, and this

too at a time when he had quite deferted us. Other breaches of good faith, in the court of Vienna, were particularized by Mr. Fox, which ought, he said, to render us extremely circumspect in our pecuniary negotiations with that miniftry. Should it conclude a peace with France, as not a little to be apprehended, what an immense suin would have been lavished to no effect: he dwelt with great indignation on the uncertainty to which we fubmitted in the emperor's conduct, and demanded, with great firmness, that the committee of the house, now fitting upon that important fubject, would express their sense of it in explicit terms. After several reasonings, by other members, the ministerial resolutions, in favour of the loan, were carried by 77

to 43.

The second and third readings of the bill relating to this loan, were attended with very animated contests. The two-fold character of the emperor, as head of the empire, and as the fovereign of other dominions, occafioned a variety of difcuffions; fome insisting that he could not well feparate these characters in practice, and others alleging, that neither of them interfered with the other, and, that were he to conclude a peace with France in his imperial capacity, he might still continue the war as king of Hungary and Bohemia, and fovereign of other states, from which he derived far greater importance and power than from the imperial dignity. A repetition took place, as usual, of the many other arguments already employed by both fides on this fubject, which terminated, at length, by the paffing of the bill,

In the house of lords, the bill was strongly opposed by the dukes of Norfolk and Grafton, as introduced too abruptly, and without a fuffcient explanation on the part of ministers: it was a measure involving the dearest interests of the nation, and tending to deprive it not only of its property, but of the very right of disposing of it; which, by the present arrangement, was in reality lodged in the hands of minifters.

Their conduct was zealously vindicated by lord Grenville, who severely censured the reasonings drawn from the defection of Pruffia, against confiding in the emperor; as if every fovereign could be fuppofed void of honour and honesty. He denied the disapprobation of the war by the people at large, and afferted, that the public had never been more thoroughly convinced of its propriety. The hill

was ftrenuously opposed by the earl of Lauderdale. He adduced a variety of reasons why it ought never to have been produced to the house in its actual form, which divested us of all security from the emperor, and left it at his option to act independently of every motive that could bind him to do us justice. His zeal for the com mon cause was very precarious, and, fince the disasters of the last campaign, he had proved a useless ally. Ministers boasted of what had been done in the West Indies, and of what was projected against France: but fifteen hundred thousand pounds, issued for the relief of the people in our islands, proved how little these affertions ought to be credited, and our disappointments on the coaft of France, shewed how ill-founded

our

ed. He strongly objected to the idea, that civilization first flourished on sea coafts: some perfons, he obferved, had travelled three hundred miles from Sierra Leone, into the interior parts of Africa, and had discovered civilized people, inhabiting confiderable towns, poffefied of the knowledge of reading and writing, and of many more of the conveniences of life, than were known to the inhabitants on the fea fhore. He took notice of the manifest disposition of the newly-imported negroes to rise against the white people, and of the confequent neceffity of maintaining a numerous military force to keep them in awe and fubjection. He urged several other argumentsagainst their farther importation into the West-India iflands, and concluded by moving a final abolition of the flave-trade.

He was feconded by Mr. W. Smith, and oppofed by Mr. Dent, Mr. Barham, and Mr. East. Were fuch a bill to pass, these gentlemen thought the property of planters would be greatly endangered: they deprecated all discussion as extreme ly dangeroue in the present crifis: were the negroes once induced to hope for emancipation, disappointment would render them ungovernable, through the irritation it would occafion, and the come patifons they would make between their fituation and that of their countrymen in the French islands, Were even the bill to pass in the commons, it was not probable the lords would acquiefce in it."

They were answered by Mr. Whitbread, and Mr. Fox, who pointedly noticed the length of time employed by the house of lords in the examination of witnesses on this subject. But even those who were

were

averse to the abolition of the trade, had not ventured to justify it. The calculations of Mr. Wilberforce, respecting the fufficiency of the actual number of blacks in the islands, for their cultivation and improvement, undisproved. The more moderate their numbers, the. lefs would be the danger from them, and the better their treatment. The French system of difciplining their negroes ought to be an example to us: in proportion as we shewed them confidence, they would become attached and faithful. At all events, it became a British parliament to discontinue the countenance it had shewn to so iniquitous and inhuman a trade.

Mr. Dundas alleged, in reply, that the motive of deferring the abolition until the beginning of 1796, was, to afford time to the planters to make suitable arrangements for it: but the war had prevented the recruiting of the present numbers, which were not fufficient for their exigencies. He approved of the abolition, but was of opinion it ought to be gradual.

Mr. Pitt declared for an immediate abolition. The numbers of flaves imported into the colonies, had, he faid, been large enough during the three last years, to anfwer every purpose of the colonifts. The negroes themselves were not defirous of these importations, as they found, by experience, that their own labours were not lessened thereby, nor their condition bettered. After a variety of other arguments for and against the abolition, the motion was poftponed for fix months, by a majority of 17.

This decifion was conformable to the expectations of the publicy which had, for fome time paft, began