with the present ministry; he meant not, however, to covet their places; frequent minifterial changes he strongly reprobated, and thought that country the best governed, where minifters remained fuch; while their abilities, their diligence, and their honefty, ftood unimpeached. A variety of hiftorical passages were adduced by lord Mulgrave, on this occafion, in favour of the ministerial determination to perfift in the war. The French, he observed, had frequently met with the most signal reverses of fortune, after obtaining the most astonishing successes. Lewis XIV. was a remarkable instance of this, in the laft, and in the beginning of the present, century; no monarch had been more victorious, but none was finally reduced to more distress. In the memory of living witnesses, the French had begun with triumph, and ended with disgrace; as particularly in the war of 1755. It was unmanly, therefore, as well as unreasonable, to look on the prefent progress of the French as irresistible. Whatever were our fufferings, they ought chearfully to be borne, when it was reflected, that we were struggling for our national preservation. In speaking of Cofica, he noticed the intrinfic unimportance of Minorca and Gibraltar, which, however, by their local fituation, were highly useful to Great Britain. Lord Stanhope feconded, with his usual emphasis, the amendment moved by lord Guildford, and was replied to by lord Mansfield. This speaker represented the pecuniary refources of France as totally exhaufted. The expenditure of France in the last campaign amounted to one hundred and forty-four millions sterling; the assignats, in actual cir culation, were two hundred and forty millions, and the quantity of forged affignats was immenfe: hence they were altogether fo depreciated, that no perfon would take them but at an incredible discount, reducing their value almost to nothing. It was remarked, on this fubject, by lord Lauderdale, that if the finances of France were in reality fo reduced, the French would never retain so haughty a style; nor ought they to be fo heavily charged with ambitious views, when it was well known they were, at that time, foliciting peace from one of the coalesced powers; and had fcrupulously observed the stipulations with neutral states. He dwelt feverelv on the profpect, held out by lord Spencer, of the most formidable navy, in a few months, ever put to fea; while, at the fame time, the admiralty were not apprized, that the French were masters of the entrance of the Channel. He cenfured the miniftry for not fending out a larger force to the West Indies, where the French were most vulnerable; and ascribed to their weaknefs, in rendering the public a security for the imperial loan, the facility with which it was procured by the Austrian agents. The arguments, that had been alleged for and against the con tinuance of the war, were reviewed by lord Grenville, who con cluded for the prudence and propriety of continuing it with additional spirit. The marquis of Abercon, and the duke of Leeds, rejected the amendment; though they refused to bind themselves with the ministerial party to the support of the war. The The speech of the duke of Bedford, like those he had already deIwered, was extremely animated. It had, he faid, been explicitly affirmed, by minifters, that the French were utterly unable to defray the charges of another campaign; and ret, experience had thewn that they had, in the laft, baffled all the calculations founded on their inability. It was abfurd to infer their want of means from the prodigiousness of their expences; and of these no valid proofs had been stated. He condemned, with great warmth, the idea of a war of mutual extermination, which was, in fact, the object pursued and recommended by mi nifters. He concluded with point ed strictures on the exhortation of ministers, to unite in supporting what they styled the generous exertions of war: these words he ftygmatised, as inconfiftent with the miferies and distresses accompanying a military life; and, more than all, with the sensations that must be felt, by men torn from all domeftic comforts, and compelled to leave their dearest relatives exposed to want and wretchednefs. Lord Grenville ended the debate, by declaring that, notwithstanding the infinuations, that the royal speech purported no peace would be made with France while it continued a republic, fuch a conftrucLion was erroneous, and could not be warranted by any part of it. On putting the question for lord Guild. ford's amendment, it was rejected by one hundred and seven votes againft twelve. In the house of commons, it being nfual, previously to moving the address, to read the bill for the profecuting of clandestine out-lawries, the speaker, of course, presented the bill; but Mr. Sheridan opposed its reading. His reason was, that it being a custom established, merely to affert the right of the house to proceed to any business they judged proper, before that of the royal speech, they ought to realize that right, with which they were, doubtless, invested for useful purposes. Instead of reading, therefore, the outlawry-bill, he would move the reading of another of much more importance, at the present juncture. They were called together to give their advice to the king, on subjects of the highest confequence to the nation; but before they could consider themselves in a fituation to advise with freedom and impartiality, it was proper they should be in a state of liberty; and this they could not be while under the terrors of a fufpenfion of the habeas corpus act: his intention, therefore, was to move for a repeal of that fufpenfion. This motion was warmly opposed by Mr. Dundas, who declared himfelf of opinion, that instead of being repealed it ought to be renewed. He was fupported by the folicitorgeneral, who, in a speech of fome length, afferted that the evidence on the late trials had proved the reality of a conspiracy, though by the verdict of the jury, the perfons acquitted could not be brought to a fecond trial. Others beside himfelf were, he said, of this opinion. He then detailed the proceedings of the several focieties, and concluded by condemning, in violent terms, their claim to universal fuffrage. The folicitor-general was opposed by Mr. Fox. According to the fpirit as well as the letter of the law and the constitution, it appeared to him, that a jury's acquittal established [L4] the the innocence of the party accused; but the speech he had now heard tended to overturn the validity of a jury's verdict, which was the strongest fence of the constitution, by fecuring the perfonal freedom of the subject. The infent of that speech was to maintain the doctrine of constructive treafon: which, if it were not vigoroufly oppofed by the house, might, in time, be held out as the law of the land. If the folicitorgeneral thought himself better informed than the jury, why did he not communicate this fuperior information to them on the trial, or to the house at present? but the truth was, that jury confified of difinterested men, who had no favours to afk, nor to expect from government. Was it the opinion of a crown-lawyer, or of an English jury, that would have the greatest weight in deciding the character of an individual? In anfwer to Mr. Fox, Mr. ferjeant Adair reviewed the proceedings of the focieties, and demanded whether it were probable that their designs did not aim at the deftrucLion of the monarch, or the constitution? The guilty were often acquitted in courts of juftice; not because they were confidered as innocent, but merely because there was no ftrictly legal evidence produced against them. A doubt of their guilt was fufficient, in the breast of the jury, for their acquittal; but that did by no means clear the character of the accused. There was no reafon, Mr. Pitt alleged, for repealing the bill, unless it were proved that it had been enacted upon erroneous grounds, and without fufficient deliberation; or that government had abused the power it had entrusted to them. Those causes of alarm that had oc. cafioned it had not been difproved, nor that the accused were involved in a conspiracy as dangerous as treafon itself. The verdict in their favour.could not, therefore, operate as a motive for repealing the act, even admitting that their indictment for high-treason had not been fupported by legal proofs; and if the judicious and unbiased public looked upon them as guilty of an attempt, for which the law had not provided a due punitioment, it was the duty of parliament to make fuch provifion. In reply to Mr. Pitt, it was af, ferted, by Mr. Sheridan, that the bill had been hurried through the house in two days, without the usual notice, a circumstance far from implying requifite deliberation. He was convinced, by what he had heard, that a farther fufpenfion of the bill was determined upon; but he was refolved to oppose it with every argument he was able to adduce, that ministers might have no opportunity of grounding it on apprehenfions of their own creating, and reasons which, if not combated, they might represent as unanswerable. Mr. Sheridan proceeded next to call in question the propriety of Mr. Dundas's appearing in the house as a member. By Mr. Burke's bill of reform, the office of, third fecretary of state had been abolished, and an act pasied, that if it should be revived, and confered on a member of parliament, his feat should thereby be vacated. Mr. Pitt anfwered this objection, by intimating that the duke of Portland was the third fecretary of state: an explanation that Mr. Fox and Mr. Sheridan thought difrefpectful to that that nobleman, who had formerly concurred in the abolition of that office. preffing upon them from abroad; while they were, at the fame time, affailed with near fifty infurrections at home. He did not think a monarchy the fittest form of government for the French, at the prefent juncture. Were monarchy reitored, the country would not be pacified, as its friends and enemies would still preferve their animosities, and the latter still remain the fuperiors in number. It ought to be recollected, by those who thought a These difcuffions being thus terrinated, the addre's was moved by ir Francis Knatchbull, and fecondelby Mr. Canning; who observed, tat though unfavourable circumfarces had occurred abroad, they ought not to prevent a vigorous prolecution of the war: they had been occafioned by the desertion of our allies, and not by the mifcadact of minifters. The fall of counter-revolution in France, prac Robelpierre, and the fubfequent changes in the government of France, did not warrant this country to attempt a treaty. The French divided their enemies in two clafles: the initigators of the coalition against them, and those who had joined it through compulfion. We were in the first clafs, the Dutch in the fecond: their treatment of the latter would shortly thew what we had to expect; but a pacification with them, at prefent, would bring fo little fecurity, that no diminution of our fleets and armies could enfee, and our expences must remain as great as ever. Mr. Wilberforce objected to the address, as pledging the house to carry on the war till a counterrevolution were effected in France. The alterations in that country made it appear, in his opinion, more inclined to moderation than heretofore. Jacobinifsm had been fupproffed; and the government had aflamed an afpect of lenity, in compliance with the general tense of the people, who were fincerely defirous of peace. The coalition, he obferved, was diffolved, and we could not expect to overcome, with our fiugle ftrength, a nation that had reisted so powerful a confederacy, ticable, that fix years had now elapfed fince the first revolution; during which space, a new generation of young men had been carefully trained, and brought up, in republican principles; and numbers of the elderly, and others averse to these, were either dead, or had emigrated to other countries. He concluded by moving a negotiation for peace, which, whether fuccefsful or not, would prove to the people that the government defired peace. The nation would then feel the neceffity of uniting with minifters, whose offers of reconciliation had been rejected by tire enemy, and would cordially give their vigorous support to what no one could deny, in fuch a cafe, to be a just and necessary war. ... The motion of Mr. Wilberforce was seconded by Mr. Duncombe and Mr. Burdon, but opposed by Mr. Windham. The ill fuccess of the war he folely imputed to the misconduct of fome of the allies. Comparing the events of the pre, fent with those of former wars, he afferted, that all that could be faid on this fubject was, that hitherto it had only been negatively successful The most alarmı ing circumstance attending it, was was, he faid, that we were not true to ourselves. The political focieties, in England, had propagated principles inimical to it. The acquittal of those members belonging to them, by a jury at the late trials, he represented in the most odious light, styling them no better than acquitted felons. This expreffion was to highly resented, that he was immediately called to order. He explained himself by saying, that though proofs had not been adduced of their legal guilt, it did not follow that they were free from moral guilt. He justified the interference of Great Britain in the affairs of France, by the authority of Vattel, whose opinion was, that every government, that is threatened, has a right to refift the power that threatens it, till it is fecure from that power. Henceforth, he said, the characters of men would be known, by their condemnation or approval of the French revolution, to which those who had hitherto acted as enemies, could not, with propriety, change their conduct, and declare for terms of conciliation with that people. He deprecated the opening of a treaty with them, as it would lead the way an intercourse, between the two nations, that might introduce into England all the calamities and horrors that defolated France, We were not yet reduced to the neceffity of recurring to so difgraceful a measure; we still were able to make the most spirited and powerful exertions, without suffering from them; all claffes were competent to the weight of the burdens laid upon them; neither the rich nor the to poor had yet reason to complain: while the former felt no inconveniences, the latter would feel none, as the expences and luxury of the wealthy were the support of the indigent. He concluded with an exhortation, to display as much firmness and perseverance in a good cause, as the French did in a bad one. The defire of terminating a ruinous war was strongly approved by Mr. Bankes, as equally just and indispensible; after the fruitless trial to reduce the enemy to our own terms. If no peace were admissible, while France was a republic, the war might be endless. The time must, nevertheless, arrive, when we must treat: the sooner, therefore, the better, for both parties. The defertion of our allies, in particular, afforded a motive, which alone was ficient for putting an end to a contest, of which they were the original movers. Sir Richard Hill expressed himself of the fame opinion. fuf These explicit avowals of a disapprobation of farther hoftilities, on the part of members who had hitherto coincided with the mi nisterial system of war, seemed to strike Mr. Pitt with great furprize. He denied the tendency of the King's Speech, to inculcate the continuance of the war, till France reassumed a monarchi cal form; though he acknowledg. ed his perfuafion, that no peace could be depended on, royal government was re-establish ed; the only proper one, in his opinion, for all the European nations. The coalition, once solved, stored; till a dif would not easily be reand we then should be left |