jun., and Mr. Pearse; but when sir R. Inglis moved the discharge of Thomas Burton Howard, sen., this was negatived by a majority of 20; the Ayes being 22: Noes 42. A similar motion, with respect to Mr. Stockdale, was negatived without a division. Afterwards, however, on the 15th of May, Mr. T. Duncombe rose to move for the discharge of J. J. Stockdale and T. B. Howard from the custody of the gaoler of Newgate, and the motion was agreed to. Thus terminated this much agitated and deeply important question. It will be seen, that the opinions of the ablest lawyers in the house were in favour of the particular privilege of free publication claimed by the house, as essential to the due discharge of its functions as a constituent branch of the legislature; but many of them dissented from the doctrine that it was a breach of their privileges to bring them under the cognizance of a court of law; and above all they thought that having once submitted the case to the court of Queen's Bench, by pleading in the action, they were bound to respect the judgment pronounced by that court; and if they considered it erroneous to bring it under the review of a court of error in the legal, and constitutional mode, and not proceed by arbitrary imprisonment against officers who merely acted in their ministerial capacity; and who would have been exposed to the process of attachment, if they had refused to obey the writs which the court called upon them to execute. CHAPTER IV. Want of Confidence in Ministers-Sir J. Yarde Buller's MotionRiots at Birmingham and Newport-Mr. Owen's introduction at Court-Alderman Thompson-Sir George Grey attacks the Opposition-The Speech of Mr. Dawson at Devonport-Want of unanimity among the Tories-Mr. Colquhoun-Mr. Gisborne-Mr. D'Israeli -Mr. Litton-Lord Howick's Explanation of his Reasons for leaving the Administration-Eloquent Speeches of Sir J. Graham and Mr. Macaulay-Mr. Fox Maule-Mr. Ward-Lord Stanley-Financial State of the Country-Lord Morpeth-Reduction of Troops in Ireland-Mr. O'Connell---Sir Robert Peel states the grounds on which he would act whether in Office or in Opposition-Lord John Russell.-Majority against the Motion. N consequence of the evenly ers had nurtured and fostered dur In the ties, to ing the two preceding years, tor which we have before referred, the greatest possible interest was felt throughout the country, respecting a motion of want of confidence in her majesty's ministers, of which sir John Yarde Buller had given notice at the commencement of the session, and, indeed, excepting the discussions which took place on the privileges of the house, the debate to which this motion gave rise, was the most important, and the most protracted, which occurred during the whole period of the session. Sir John Yarde Buller, in his opening speech, on the 28th of January, assigned as the chief ground on which he refused his confidence to the government-the disturbed and unsatisfactory state of the country—a state which he mainly ascribed to the system of popular agitation which the minis example, he cited the riots in he Bull-ring, at Birmingham, and the armed masses of the people at Newport, marshalled and led by a magistrate appointed by the government. In Ireland, for several years, a similar system had been pursued and so far were the Ministers from checking or discouraging the chief author of these most unconstitutional proceedings, that his family and connections had been placed in situations of emolument, and he had himself been received as a guest at the lordlieutenant's table. Another ground which rendered her majesty's ministers, in his opinion, undeserving of the confidence of the country, was their apparent coalition with those who had pursued an uniform line of hostility to the established church of this realm, in bringing forward a measure in which they plainly entered into the views of the party to which he had referred, and the object of which was to deprive the church of the funds necessary for the maintenance of its fabric. Sir J. Y. Buller next called attention to their conduct in reference to the patronage at their disposal. On first taking office, they had declared, that they were to put an end to all pensions and sinecures, and they had endeavoured to bring all former governments into disrepute by denouncing their corruption and extravagance in these matters. They also passed a resolution, that 1,2001. a-year, was the whole amount which her majesty could distribute among her subjects to encourage literary attainments, improvements in art, and discoveries in science. And yet, in spite of all their professions, they have really made a more corrupt use of the patronage of the crown, than any of the governments which preceded them. Only the other day, they granted 1,0007. a-year as a pension to a gentleman who retired from a sinecure office, in order that he might be succeeded by the retiring chancellor of the exchequer. importance to which the hon. baronet called the attention of the house before he concluded, which was the recent introduction to the queen, by lord Melbourne, of Mr. Owen, an individual of infamous notoriety, on account of the pernicious doctrines which he had been the means of disseminating among the people. At the meetings of this person and his associates, our readers are perhaps aware, the most immoral and baneful principles had been openly avowedprinciples, indeed, which struck at the root of all social order and happiness. It could not, therefore, in our opinion, be otherwise than highly censurable at all times for a minister to have given countenance to the authors of such opinions, but, surely, it was peculiarly so in the prime minister of a young and virtuous queen just about to enter the holy state of matrimony. Such a presence was the last which should have been contaminated by the introduction of the originator of these detestable theories. The hon. baronet concluded by moving, "That her majesty's government as at present constituted, does not possess the confidence of this house," and the motion was seconded by alderman Thompson, who spoke from his personal knowledge of the districts in which the late serious outrages among the chartists had taken place, and which he had no hesitation in attributing, in great measure, to the continued tampering of her majesty's ministers with the constitution, by which that respect for established institutions, and that reverence for authority which formerly existed, had been altogether annihilated. So far was it from being true, that there was a want There was another point of some of employment in those districts, Another ground of complaint, was the uncertainty attending all their measures. The noble lord (lord J. Russell) voted last session against the introduction of the vote by ballot, and regretted, that the hon. member for Edinburgh should not have more maturely considered his opinions on this subject. And now, what was the case? The hon. member for Edinburgh (Mr. Macaulay) was actually secretary at war, and a member of the cabinet. that the demand for labour actually exceeded the supply, and that wages were at a rate unusually high. The instigators of the riots which had taken place there, had entirely different objects and purposes in view of a most alarming and dangerous character. It was no secret, that their object was to remodel the constitution of the house of commons, and to send men of their own grade in society to be their representatives-to do away with the property qualification, and, ultimately, by means of such a house of commons, to procure an equal distribution of every description of property. And who was the great expositor of these principles? A man who had received his nomination as a magistrate from the hands of the noble lord opposite. A certificate had lately been issued by the lords of the treasury to the commissioners of the national debt, from which it appeared that for the year ending the 5th of January, 1840, there was a deficiency of money, amounting to nearly 1,000,0001. sterling, or in other words, they had an official declaration, that the expenditure of the country exceeded the income to that amount, and if, continued the worthy alderman, they also took into consideration, that since that certificate was published, the new arrangements at the Postoffice had come into operation, they might anticipate a deficiency of at least another million, on the calculation of the most sanguine supporters of the new system. And that was not all the deficiency, the country must be prepared to expect. The China trade was stopped; a source of income which yielded on an average, an annual revenue of 3,500,000l. Sir George Grey, in offering a direct negative to the motion, could not refrain from expressing his entire concurrence with one sentiment which had fallen from the worthy alderman. He most sincerely rejoiced, that the conservatives had at last mustered sufficient courage to abandon the course of policy which they had pursued for the preceding five years, and instead of waging a perpetual warfare of detail, had at last come boldly forward with a motion which brought under review the whole policy of the government, legislative and administrative, and demanded of the representatives of the nation, aye, or no, whether the government, as at present constituted, did or did not possess the confidence of the country. The principal charge that had now been brought against the ministry was, that they had fomented chartism, and the late insurrection at Newport had been adduced in proof of it. This, indeed, seemed to have been a God-send to hon. gentlemen on the other side, and was, in fact, the only circumstance which afforded a shadow of foundation for thepresent motion. But could it be maintained, that the late insurrection in Wales was chargeable on the government? Was there any imputation on the mode in which they had dealt with it? Was there no ground for suspecting, that the real cause of complaint was, that while her majesty, in the speech from the throne, had lamented the existence of insubordination, and while the house in their address to the crown, had unanimously expressed their concern at these events, the govern→ ment had not felt it necessary, as former governments had done, to propose to parliament to increase to waive the consideration of Irish the severity of the laws, or to commit to them any extraordinary powers for repressing or punishing the insurgents? They had relied on the efficiency of the existing laws, which it was their duty to administer, and those laws had been strictly, but, at the same time, mercifully enforced. Sir George Grey then reverted to the charge grounded on the appointment of Mr. Frost, and contended, that the case was simply this. Shortly after the passing of the municipal corporations act, the noble lord had appointed an individual to the office of magistrate, who had since been guilty of an act of treason. The worthy alderman had wished it to be inferred, that his noble friend (lord J. Russell) had gone out of his way to appoint Mr. Frost, knowing him to be at the time, if not a traitor, at all events, a disaffected person, and wholly unfit to be trusted with the magistracy: whereas the noble lord had but followed out in the instance of Mr. Frost, the rule which he had laid down for the appointment of magistrates, when the corporations bill was before Parliament, viz., that he should in all cases, give attention to, if he did not absolutely adopt the recommendations of the town councils. The town council of Newport had recommended an addition to the magistracy, and had suggested two names to the secretary of stateMr. Brewer, a gentleman whose sentiments were in direct opposition to those of her majesty's government, and Mr. Frost, who had been a warm supporter of the reform bill. There seemed a disposition on the part of the gentlemen opposite policy, and according to Sir George Grey, it was owing to the confidence which the Irish people obviously placed in the administration, and it was absurd to invite the attention of the house on so important an occasion, to the facts that the learned member for Dublin had dined at the lord-lieutenaut's table, and that his son had been appointed to a place connected with the courts of law. The hon. baronet adverted seriatim to all the topics on which the preceding speakers had addressed the house, and certainly made a very able and ingenious defence of the general policy of the administration. After explaining away the objections to admiral Fleming's appointment to the head of Greenwich hospital, and to sir John Newport's pension, he began to carry his attack into the quarters of the enemy, and commented in very severe terms on a speech delived by Mr. Dawson, the brother-in-law of sir R. Peel, to his friends in the borough of Devonport. Mr. Dawson had been reported to have said as follows: "The most important subject of all was, undoubtedly, the cornlaws, and he had found in the progress of his canvass, that his opponents had misrepresented his opinions with regard to that subject. It had been said, that he had come there prepared only to look after his own interest as a landed proprietor, he thought such a mode of opposition was not creditable to those who set it up. This much he could say-it was far from the truth; for whatever might be his individual interests, he was prepared to sacrifice them, if he found they were opposed to the general good. He had gone |