tacks of a powerful and not very scrupulous opposition. The chief of the various political parties in the French chambers, would naturally feel an interest in diminishing the personal influence of the monarch on the councils of his ministers, for they had their own views in public questions to which they were in a manner pledged, and they could not submit to have these thwarted by the crown, and at the same time, continue to hold the portfolios of office. The opponents of the revolution of July concentrating their hatred of that event, against the person and family of Louis Philippe were glad of any pretext for crippling his power, while the more extreme party who hailed that revolution as the death blow to anything like real monarchial power in France, saw in the personal interference of the sovereign only treason to the constitution.

We have seen how the coalition of the various discordant parties in the French chambers, headed by M. M. Thiers, Guizot, Odillon Barrot, and others, effected the overthrow of the ministry of the 15th of April (as it was called) of which count Molé was the premier, and that after a long interval, during which the king remained without a responsible government, an interval known by the name of the "ministerial crisis," he at last on the 12th of May in the preceding year, formed a ministry of which marshal Soult was at the head, filling the offices of president of the council and minister of foreign affairs † These dates are not unimportant, inas

• See ante Vol. 81, pp. 369, 373 For a list of the numbers of this Soult ministry, see aute vol. 81, p. 382.

much as in the discussions which took place last year, and this in the French chambers, generally the only designation given to the different administrations is that of the day of the month when they were respectively formed.

On Wednesday the 7th of August, 1839, the session which had given existence to the Soult ministry of the 12th of May, was closed. And it was not until the 23rd of December, that the session of 1840 was opened by the king in person. By this time the acrimony of the contending political factions had in a great measure subsided, and whether they had become more moderate and accommodating in their views, or were weary and disgusted with the squabbles of the tribune, certain it is that a disposition was manifested to support the government which augured well for its stability. The fate of all political coalitions which seek to unite antagonist parties in a common object is the same. Thy have no natural principle of cohesion, and must fall asunder, if they do not break out into open rupture, so soon as the temporary object is attained. The very odium which public opinion attaches to such alliances is sufficient to destroy them. Marshal Soult therefore, and his colleagues might hope to escape such a violent attack as that which had proved fatal to their predecessors, and the event showed that at this juncture they had nothing to fear from the common hostility of the rival parties in the state.

The benches on the right of the throne were occupied by the peers, and the centre and left by the deputies, who attended the Séance Royale in great numbers. Animated groups were formed in eager

discussion round count Molè, M. M. Guizot, Thiers, Dupin, Sauzet and Berryer. The king then pronounced the royal speech, which was in substance as follows. He congratulated the chambers on the internal peace enjoyed by France, and said that he had been touched in a lively manner by the testimonies of respect and affection, which had been received by his eldest son the duke of Orleans during a tour which he had recently made through a great part of France, and he rejoiced in the progress of industry and respect for the laws and institutions which were everywhere to be found.

His relations with foreign powers had preserved a pacific character, and the French flag in conjunction with that of Great Britain, "faithful to the spirit of that amicable union, which was always so advantageous to the two countries," had watched over the independence and safety of the Ottoman Empire, the existence of which was so essential to the maintenance of general peace, and he trusted that the great powers would soon settle on a just and equitable footing the entangled question of the East.

In Spain a great change had been effected, and although the civil war there was not entirely at an end, yet it had ceased to endanger the stability of the constitutional throne of Isabella 2nd. The greatest part of the Northern provinces was in a state of tranquillity, and sanguine hopes were entertained that in the east of Spain also peace would be speedily restored. This important result was attributed to the wise policy of the government of the queen regent and the bravery of the Spanish army, supported by the French and British governments

in faithful execution of the treaties of 1834.

In America the Mexican government acted up to the spirit of the treaty which had been concluded by France with that republie, but the blockade of the ports of the Argentine republic still detained a French fleet.

In Africa, fresh hostilities called for vigorous and decisive measures. The French soldiers and colonists to whom his son (the duke of Orleans) had by his visit amongst them, carried a pledge of the royal solicitude for their welfare, had been treacherously attacked. The speech attributed this aggression to hostility to the progress made by French establishments in the provinces of Algiers and Constantine. But such aggression must be punished, and rendered impossible for the future, in order that nothing might impede the march of prosperity guaranteed by French dominion to a soil which, “it would never relinquish." Reinforcements had been already sent to Africa, and the war there would be carried on with vigour. The expenses attendant on this measure would be laid before the chambers, and the king confidently anticipated a favourable vote as was always the case, when the question was one which touched the honour of the French arms and the permanent interests of France.

The situation of the finances of the country were such as to enable them to bear this new change. With regard to the question of sugar, a project of an act would be presented to them, which would have for its object the attempt to reconcile private interests with those of the public.

Various subjects would occupy the attention of the chambers; such

the chief cause of the overthrow of the ministry of count Molé, and was known to be hostile to that of the 12th of May, which had succeeded it, and of which M. Dufaure was a member. It was not therefore likely that M. Dufaure would give a vote in favour of a political opponent so dangerous as M. Thiers. They had, indeed, been colleagues, but the rapidly shifting scenes in the drama of French politics had now separated their views and interests.

In the chamber of peers M. admiral baron Roussin was elected secretary to the chamber by a majority of 95 votes out of 106, and a committee was appointed to draw up the address consisting of seven peers, amongst whom were counts Molé and Portalis.

The chamber of deputies proceeded to complete its organization by electing four vice presidents and four secretaries, but on the first day of meeting only three had the requisite majorities of votes, viz. M. M. Calmon, Gauneron and General Jacqueminot, who had been vice presidents during the last session. The contest for the fourth lay between M. Martin (du Nord), and M. Vivien. The former had been a member of the preceding administration, that of the 15th of April, and the latter was supported by the present ministry, but M. Martin (du Nord) was ultimately successful, being elected by a majority of 10 over his opponent.

This, though apparently a defeat, was not so considered by ministers, for the very fact that the chamber should choose as one of its vice presidents a member of the late proscribed administration of count Molé (that of the 15th of April), was virtually a triumph, since it showed how strongly pubVOL. LXXXII.

lic feeling had set in against the coalition which had caused the overthrow of that administration, and the continuance of which in its former force would have been equally fatal to the existence of the present government. This event was rather taken as an omen that the rancour of hostility had subsided, and that the chamber was willing to recognise, in the government of marshal Soult and his colleagues, a line of policy not widely different from that professed by the defeated ministry of the 15th of April. The confusion and difficulties occasioned by the coalition of antagonist parties against the king's government had made it an object of the first importance with the present ministry to render it ineffective, and, if possible, detach from its ranks members sufficient to form a strong conservative majority in the chamber, so that the election of M. Martin (du Nord) might justly be looked upon by them as an auspicious event. We mention these things in order, if possible, to make the reader comprehend the position of political parties at this time in France, which the frequent changes of administration there lately have rendered it difficult to understand on this side of the Channel.

On the 6th of January count Portalis brought up the address which had been prepared by the committee of the chamber of peers, and which was merely an echo of the royal speech. The paragraph relating to the question of the East stated that there the happy effects of the amicable understanding between France and Great Britain had been seen in arresting the course of hostilities which might have compromised the safety of the Ottoman empire, and that a wise

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