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the first and most material step of this country to a departure from the course of restrictions which its legislature had hitherto pursued, and to the exhibition of a more enlarged and liberal policy to foreign states than any which it had yet permitted.

The changes, which, in this session, began to be contemplated in the regulations of our intercourse with Ireland, afford another instance of the sway which the sound principles of political economy now exerted. The protecting duties, which had been by the act of Union granted to various branches of Irish trade, were to cease in the present year. Ministers, convinced that they ought not to be withdrawn sud denly, were willing to prolong them for a further period; but in the very resolutions, by which it was declared expedient to pro, long them, provision was made for their gradual extinction, by taking off one-fourth of their amount at the end of every fifth year, so that in 1840 they would expire altogether. The duties on salt, hops, and coals, were not comprised in this arrangement, but were continued indefinitely, until farther provision, with respect to them, should be made by parliament. It seemed to be acknowledged on all hands, that the intercourse between England and Ireland should be entirely unrestrained; that the custom houses between the two countries should cease to exist; that the interchange of their productions should be perfectly free; and that the passage across the channel should be as unembarrassed as that from one town to an other.

Some discussions that occurred concerning the acts for granting bounties on the exportation of Irish linens, showed likewise, that it was the intention of members that these bounties should soon cease and a proposal for imposing a heavy duty on the importa tion of linen yarn was rejected.

In the south of Ireland, a local address of a peculiar kind operated to a most unusual extent. Within a short space of time, no fewer than eleven banks stopped payment: only three remained solvent in the district; and the consequence was, that, in the neighbourhood of Cork, numbers of people were actually starving. The farmers were afraid to bring in provisions to the towns, be→ cause they were apprehensive, that, whatever they might bring, would be seized by a famishing population, who, from the scarcity of the circulating medium, were unable to become pur chasers. Colonel Bagwell, on the 14th of June, communicated this piteous state of things to parliament, and intreated ministers to show, that it was their intention to adopt some means of alleviating such overwhelming distress. The chancellor of the exchequer de clined giving any assurance which might lead to a supposition, that the government was prepared to recommend any mea sures for the relief of the district, the situation of which had just been described. It was entirely a case of mercantile embarrassment, in which it was neither wise nor usual for government to interfere. So many urgent applications, however, were made to ministers on this subject, that, on the 16th of June, the chan

cellor of the exchequer, of his own accord, brought the matter before the House. The lordlieutenant of Ireland, availing himself of an unapplied sum of about a hundred thousand pounds, part of a larger sum which had been voted in 1817 for the execution of certain public works in Ireland, had, for the relief of the distressed districts, issued it in the shape of loans, under the management of commissioners, on good security, and at five per cent interest. This proceeding, though most consicerate and humane, was irregular; and therefore the chancellor of the exchequer moved, that the sum which had been so advanced, should be made good by the House. As to the farther measures which it would be proper to adopt, he thought that the present case was analogous to what happened in 1793; when, to support the credit and circulation of the country banks, threatened at that moment with ruin, Mr. Pitt applied to parliament to aid them by a large advance. That measure was attended with so much success, that, without any loss to the public, the evil was promptly and effectually removed. In 1793, the sum of 3,000,000l. was issued for this purpose, but not more than half of it was ever demanded: 500,000l. were appropriated to Ireland, but there not more than 150,000l. were ever actually claimed. In the present instance, considering how much the circulation of Ireland was diminished, it was his intention to move for a grant of 500,000. In addition to its circulation at the former period,

Ireland possessed the paper of her national banks, which had been long established: these did not now exist, and therefore the evil occasioned by the failures was greatly increased. The effect of this grant would be a most desirable one-the increase of the circulation. It was proposed to found the present measure upon the same principle as had been observed in 1811, viz. that the bounty of parliament should be placed at the disposal of certain commissioners, who were to examine and deliberate upon every case: he should have, therefore, to move also, that these sums be placed under the management of similar commissioners. The words of his motion were, "That whatever sum or sums have been or may be advanced by the bank of Ireland to such traders, merchants, and manufacturers, as are possessed of funds ultimately more than sufficient to answer all demands upon them, but who have not the means to convert those funds into money or negotiable securities, in time to meet the pressure of the moment, under the direction of commissioners appointed, or to be appointed, by the lord-lieutenant of Ireland, not exceeding 500,000l., should be made good by this House, together with interest at the rate of 5 per cent from the date at which such sums shall have been or may be advanced respectively." The motion was carried without opposition; though some members, especially lord A. Hamilton, protested against the principle of bolstering up unsuccessful speculations, and of thus endeavouring to save those, who issued paper money imprudently, from the

consequences of their own rash

ness.

Upon the whole, if the discussions which occurred during this session on our commercial policy are read with some degree of pain, on account of the frequent statements of distress which they force upon our attention; every re

flecting mind will, on the other hand, experience a countervailing pleasure in the contemplation of the liberal views of our national interests, adopted and proclaimed by the leading members, both of the Ministry and of the Opposition.

CHAP. VII.

Mr. Brougham's Motion concerning the Droits of the Crown and Admiralty-The objectionable Nature of the Principle on which the Civil-List was settled-True Principle of the Civil-List-Instances of the Modes in which the Droits accrued—Their liability to Abuse-Mr. Canning's Speech in Reply-Alteration in the future Management of these Funds-Debute in the House of Lords on the same Subject-The Civil-List-Lord John Russell's Motion for Delay and Inquiry-Mr. Tierney's Speech for Inquiry -Provision for the Servants of the late King-The Budget-The Expenditure-The Ways and Means-Funding of Exchequer Bills and new Loan-Lottery Bill-Mr. Hume's Resolutions respecting the Collection of the Revenue-Mr. Lushington's CounterResolutions-Lord A. Hamilton's Motion concerning the Appointment of a fifth Baron of the Exchequer in Scotland-Opposed by the Lord Advocate and Lord Castlereagh-Ministers' in a Majority of only Twelve-A new Vacancy in the Scotch Exchequer occurs, and is not filled up.

CER

ERTAIN resolutions respecting the Civil-list had been moved by the chancellor of the exchequer on the 2nd of May; but before they had been fully taken into consideration, Mr. Brougham, on the 5th of May, moved, "That it is expedient, with a view to the arrangement of his majesty's Civil-list, to take into consideration the droits of the Crown and Admiralty, 4 per cent West-India duties, and other funds not usually deemed hitherto to be within the control of parliament, and to make such provision touching the same, as may be consistent with the honour and dignity of the crown, the interests of the subject, and the maintenance of the constitution." In supporting his proposition, he affirmed that nothing

was worse adapted for the real honour, comfort, and dignity of the crown, than the method in which the civil-list had been settled. Any man could tell what was the revenue of the French king or the American president: but as to the real salary of the king of England, only an adept in finance could give any information respecting it. Was it dealing fairly with the king to mix up with the little he was allowed (and a little it undoubtedly was) to defray his private expenses, and keep up his honour and dignity, the salaries of the judges, the income of the chancellor of the exchequer and his, friends, presents to foreign ministers, and a vast accumulation of claims and allowances to officers, great and small, of all

sorts and conditions? Some of them it was below the dignity of the sovereign even to name, and all below his true honour and character to have mixed up and confounded with his own person and demands. But it was said, that "to simplify matters in this way, to make accounts clear and explicable, would be beneath the dig nity of the crown." Admitting it for a moment, was there nothing to be gained by it-were popularity, and the full approbation of the king's subjects worth no consideration ? Supposing there might be some slight defalcation of dignity, was there no advantage in preventing great defalcations of a pecuniary kind, which had been perpetually occasioned by the absurd, confused, gothic mode of keeping accounts? after all, where would be the loss of dignity, if the people told their prince"You shall be paid largely, liberally, cheerfully, without a murmur from the people, who well know that your interests and theirs are inseparably unitednot as at present, but by a fixed, constant, determined grant out of the consolidated fund," That, in truth, was his proposition; but the chancellor of the exchequer, in his love for mystery, seemed to think that there was something sublime in obscurity. The misfortune for him, however, was, that we lived in a prying age, when men would not be satisfied with being told, that they must not examine and scrutinize.

should not be voted, once for all; but that it should continue as long as those circumstances remained, under which it was granted. When they became altered, it was right that parlia ment should make a new arrangement. Why was the settlement made permanent? Because, for the term of his life, the sovereign gave up his hereditary revenues. But, notwithstanding that, circumstances might, from time to time, make the old arrangement improvident. The House could be practically convinced of this fact. His late majesty reigned for sixty years; and during that period, there were six new arrangements, besides eight different payments in aid of the civil-list. It would appear, that even nine years were too long for the continuance of this provident system. The arrangement of 1760, was made as if it were supposed that the monarch was to five only nine years; but in 1769, a debt of 8,000,0007. had accumulated; and in 1777, it was found necessary to grant 60,0007. more per annum. An arrange ment for life could not proceed on any one conceivable principle. The only impartial course was, for parliament to take possession of those hereditary revenues-to place them to the account of the consolidated fund, and to pay, from the latter, a proper sum to maintain the dignity of the crown. They should wholly separate from the civil-list, the salaries of the judges, the salary of the Speaker of the House of Commons-a situation that should be as independent as that of the sovereign himself-and the payments made to foreign ministers. There was a great number it great number of contingent

The true principle of the civil list, said Mr. Brougham, was, that whatever appeared to be Decessary for upholding the state and dignity of the monarch, should be liberally and cheerfully given. He conceived, that it

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