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bach. He received the letters on the 5th December, and, on the 7th, having been advised by his ministers to comply with the invitation and request contained in them, he communicated his purpose to the parliament, which had been assembled since the first day of October. The parliament, though they did not like this step, dared not resist it. On the 13th of December, Ferdinand went on board the English line-of-battle ship the Vengeur; and, having landed at Leghorn, he arrived at Laybach on the 28th of December. In the mean time Sicily had exhibited a scene of anarchy and blood. Since the departure of the court from Palermo, the Sicilians had been very generally discontented, both because they had been deprived of their constitution, and likewise because they had been united to Naples, instead of being treated and governed, according to ancient custom, as an independent kingdom. Accordingly, when the news of the acceptance of the constitution at Naples reached Palermo on the 14th of July, there was a general expression of joy, which soon gave place to the desire of recovering their independence. The 15th of July happened to be the great national festival of the Sicilians. After the religious ceremonies were finished, the prevailing temper of the people was called into action by some trifling circumstance, which excited their indignation against general Church, an Englishman employed in the Neapolitan army. He was assaulted, and his house was pillaged. The populace, having once exceeded the bounds of law, rushed furiously on in their career. They attacked and took three of the VOL. LXII.

forts, where they found supplies of arms and ammunition. They then endeavoured to break open the prisons: in the first attempt they were baffled; but on the following morning they repeated it, and unfortunately with suc cess. Reinforced by eight hundred galley-slaves, whom they had liberated and armed, they were led on by a Franciscan monk named Vaglica, to attack the garrison in the Castle-square. The troops were overpowered by numbers; and all the atrocities were committed, of which an infuriated populace is capable. Many fell in the conflict; not a few were massacred after it was over. Among the latter were the princes Aci and Cattolica. All the Nea politans at Palermo, who survived this fatal day, were immediately imprisoned.

On the 17th, order began to be established. A Junta was appointed, consisting of twelve members taken from the nobility and the clergy, and eight from the citizens. A civic guard was formed: rewards were conferred on those, who had distinguished themselves on the preceding day; and the galley-slaves were required to give up their arms and leave the city. A deputation, which they sent to Naples, was forced to stop at Procida, and was not allowed to enter the capital. They at the same time sent deputies to the different towns and districts of the island, to prevail on them to unite with them in the defence of national independence. Few of the towns, however, seemed to join heartily in the cause; and some declared openly their enmity to the Palermitans.

In the beginning of September, [R]

Floristan Pepe, brother of William Pepe, landed at Melazzo, with an army of 4,000 men; and, though he met with some opposition, his progress was so rapid, that the Junta sent their president to negotiate with him, and terms of capitulation were agreed apon. In the mean time, the leaders of the populace had roused them again into action; the Junta were deposed; and a new Junta, of which prince Paterno was president, declared their resolution to defend the city to the last extremity.

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On the 25th of September, Pepe arrived before Palermo, and on the following day succeeded in penetrating into the city; but the inhabitants defended themselves so resolutely in the streets, that he was forced to retreat. He now offered to negotiate; but the offer was refused. Preparations being then made for a bombardment and general assault of the city, the Junta at length persuaded the people to negotiate; on the 5th of October, the terms of capitulation were signed; and on the 6th, Pepe took possession of the town, and proclaimed the Spanish constitution. The most important article of the capitulation was one, which provided, that the Sicilian states-general should decide, whether the parliament of Sicily should be separate, or should be united to that of Naples. But this article was annulled by the Neapolitan legislature, as contrary to the constitution. Pepe was removed from the command: and a new general, arriving with a large reinforcement of troops, dissolved the Junta, imposed contributions, and treated Palermo as a con

quered town. Such was the prac tical application of the love of liberty and equal government, of which the Carbonari boasted.

The Neapolitan revolution extended its effects, in some measure, to the dominions of the pope. Embosomed in the Neapolitan territory are two small principalities, Benevento and Ponte corvo, which are part of the papal states. The inhabitants of these, having expelled their governors, requested admission into the number of Neapolitan citizens. The Neapolitans were obliged, from motives of prudence, to send them a refusal. The principalities, after some unsuccessful attempts to obtain concessions from their own government, declared themselves independent, and prepared for defence.

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Another event in the Roman state showed, that the love of revolution was not confined to the Carbonari.

In the dock at Civita Vecchia there are four dépôts for galleyslaves, which contain about 1,600 convicts. On the 4th of September, it was learned that these criminals had entered into a plan not only for escaping, but for getting possession of the town, driving out the authorities, and forming a republic. The night between the 4th and 5th was fixed upon for the execution of this plan. The government immediately adopted the measures necessary for public security. The different posts were doubled, and the troops in the barracks were ordered to hold themselves in readiness for the first call. At seven a murmur was heard in the principal dépôt, and immediately a general movement com

menced. The irons were broken; the ruffians seized every thing they could lay their hands on, and opened a passage for themselves. The troops arrived, fired on the insurgents, and subdued them; a great number of them were wounded.

During this attempt, the town not only continued calm, but a great number of the inhabitants took up arms to join the troops, The revolt was not completely suppressed, until five in the morning. While it was going on, the slaves cried out "Vive la Republique !" Others called upon the soldiers to make common cause with them, saying Join us-to-morrow we shall constitute Civita Vecchia a republic, and we shall be all right.' We can excuse an attempt like this. Galley slaves may be forgiven for trying to elevate themselves into legislators and commanders.

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There is likewise reason to be

lieve, that a plot of a much more dangerous nature was formed at Rome, early in the year. What the details of it were, and what its objects, is uncertain; but, in the month of April, several persons were committed to the castle of St. Angelo; and at the same time one individual of the highest rank and influence, the governor of Rome, who to a great reputation for political talent, added the advantage of being the nephew of a leading cardinalsuddenly disappeared, abandoned his dignified station, his hopes, and his family, and took refuge in the Brazils. The stories which were in circulation in Rome, concerning the nature of the conspiracy, and the mode in which it was discovered, approached to the marvellous. But no mention of it was allowed to be made in the public journals, and the true nature of the transaction still remains to be revealed.

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CHAP. XVI.

Insurrection against Christophe in St. Domingo-Death of Christophe-The whole Island united into one Republic under BoyerVenezuela-Dissentions between the Provinces of the River Plata -Disturbed State of Buenos Ayres-Chili: Invasion of Peru— United States: Ratification of the Treaty for the Cession of the Floridas: Internal Situation of the United States-Turkey: Ali Pacha: Apology to the Russian Embassy.

TH HE revolutionary history of the year is not yet finished. The government of Christophe, the black sovereign of Hayti, had long been odious to his subjects, for the capricious tyranny which marked every part of his administration, and the deeds of bloody cruelty with which it was often stained. The disaffection extended to the troops, who complained of the insufficiency of the rations of food, the smallness of their pay, and the severe punishments which were wantonly inflicted on them. On the 5th of October, some of the officers having organized a conspiracy, assembled the troops, who were stationed at Cape Henry, exhorted them to throw off their chains, and led them out to Haut du Cap, about five miles distant. This news reached the king at Sans Souci, where he then lay sick he immediately dispatched a messenger with orders; but the messenger was instantly sent back to inform Christophe, that they no longer regarded him as their ruler. He now sent for the duke of Fort-royal, and ordered him to march against the rebels with the troops in the neighbourhood; and, to heighten their zeal in his cause, besides giving them a gratuity of

four dollars a man, he promised, if they succeeded, to surrender the Cape to pillage. On the 8th, they came in sight of the enemy. The insurgents hoisted the white flag, and Christophe's troops immediately went over to the independents. The general fled, but was afterwards taken prisoner.

When the news of this desertion reached Christophe, he resigned himself to despair; and, seeing himself bereft of the means of resistance, he, on the same evening, put an end to his existence. He was then in the 53rd year of his

age.

About the same time, the garrison of St. Mark's had also risen in open rebellion.

It appears to have been the intention of the chiefs of the insurgents, to erect an independent commonwealth. But Boyer, president of the republic, which had been established in the quarter of the island that had never been subject to Christophe, took advantage of this moment of confusion, to advance with a consider able army. The several districts declared rapidly in his favour; and the only resistance which he met with was from the fortress of La Ferriere, near the Cape, to

which the remainder of Christophe's family had fled, and from some troops under the command of general Romain, prince of Limbe, who had taken post in the mountains of Gros Morne, near Gonalves, with the assumed title of general-in-chief. The fortress of Ferriere appears, however, to have been, at last, quietly given up to the republican troops, together with the members of Christophe's family, and the whole of the black king's treasures, &c. On this, Romain also made over tures to surrender to president Boyer, on condition that himself, and all with him, should be admitted to the privileges of citizens of the republic. To this proposition Boyer readily acceded, and a conference was appointed between Romain and the chief authorities of the Cape, on the one hand, and (plenipotentiaries from Boyer on the other; the happy result of which was communicated to the inhabitants, on the 21st of October, by a proclamation, signed by a great number of magistrates and generals, with the name of Romain at the head, and announcing, that Hayti, united in one republic, was thenceforward to enjoy independence, liberty, and equality, under the presidency of Boyer. On the following day, Boyer, with an army of 20,000 men, entered the Cape, amid general rejoicings. -During this year, both the independents and the royalists mude considerable exertions in Venezuela, and the adjacent provinces; but no event happened, that led to any decisive result. On the 25th of November, an armistice for six months was concluded between Bolivar and Morillo; and

soon afterwards the latter returned to Spain, resigning the command to general La Torre.

The provinces of the River Plata, after they threw off the Spanish yoke, enjoyed several years of tolerable tranquillity and prosperity; but in the present year, the scene was entirely changed. Two causes produced all their evils-the prevalence of a spirit of provincialism-and the factions into which the capital was split. The provinces were unwilling to acknowledge authorities which had their seat at Buenos Ayres, and endeavoured each to set up an independent government. A variety of intestine wars ensued, of which the most remarkable was, that between Buenos Ayres and Santa Fé. After several advantages had been gained by the troops of the former, an endeavour was made to settle the dissensions by negotiation, but without success. In the mean time, the army of Santa Fé had received reinforcements, and, under the command of one Lopez, attacked the town of San Nicholas, in the hope of surprising the garrison. The attempt was unsuccessful, and produced the most lamentable consequences to those who made it. For a large body of Indians, who had been engaged by them as auxiliaries, deserted them in their change of fortune, and, taking advantage of the unprotected state in which Santa Fé had been left, entered it on their retreat — plundering, burning, and destroying many of the houses, and committing the most dreadful outrages.

In the province of Buenos Ayres itself, the dissentions of factions raged with so much violence, that

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