The war secretary, considering the popular fermentation such an event would create, instantly declared, in the most positive terms, to general Campbell, that he was not only unable to give his lordship permission to land, but, in the name of the government, expressly forbade it.

About this time captain Maitland, who commanded the Vengeur, requested the inspector of the port to furnish him with a boat-load of water. This was instantly done; and the inspector soon afterwards went on board, by the orders of the secretary of war, to inform the captain and officers, that the measures taken with regard to lord Beresford had nothing to do with the British nation, and that the government was ready to afford the captain and officers of the vessel, as well as other British subjects, all aid and assistance, according to the law of nations, and the relations of friendship which subsisted between the Portuguese and the British. This communication being made, the inspector represented to his lordship the unpopularity of his name with the people, and even with the army, the danger to which his life would be exposed on shore, and the state of public alarm and fermentation which his presence excited: and he again intimated to him, on behalf of the government, that not only would he not be allowed to land, but that he ought to quit the port without delay. Lord Beresford expostulated, but all that he urged was in vain. The officer could not depart from the orders which he had received.

In the mean time, alarm began to be spread through Lisbon, when it was known that lord Beresford

was in the port. Groups collected in the streets; the troops were restless and uneasy; the populace broke out into horrid threats and imprecations.

Lord Beresford now requested to be allowed to converse with his friends, and to nominate two to arrange his affairs in Portugal; adding, that his English surgeon, being desirous of residing at Lisbon, after his lordship's departure, would need to land; and that, as he had also with him some Portuguese servants, they wished to go on shore, and afterwards return to his service, or settle their accounts, in order to remain in their native country. The government answered, that free communications with the shore were absolutely refused him, as this was requisite, in consequence of the state of fermentation in which the people were; that the English surgeon might remain in Portugal, as well as all other British, for these measures merely related to the person of lord Beresford, and arose out of the exigence of circumstances; but that when once landed from the man of war, he should not be permitted to return on board. The Portuguese servants, too, should be allowed to land, but on an express declaration that they would not go on board afterward.

During all this time, no precaution was neglected; the shores were guarded, and every motion of his lordship watched. Still the agitation in Lisbon increased hourly; and the Junta were alike apprehensive of the violence of their own partisans, which might lead to excesses, especially against the English, and of the machinations in which the presence of lord Beresford might encourage their

opponents to engage. At last, they caused it to be intimated to him, that, in consequence of the inquietude in which the people were, they could no longer permit his stay in the port, because they every moment feared some terrible commotion; and that, therefore, if for any reason the Vengeur could not depart, they would themselves prepare a vessel for him. As the Vengeur was under orders for the Mediterranean, lord Beresford, finding that he could hold no communication with the shore, came to England in the Arabella packet, which was ready to sail. Captain Maitland then delivered to the Junta a sum of money, which had been sent from Rio Janeiro, for the pay of the troops.

Divisions now sprung up among the members of the Junta. The Lisbon Junta were desirous of adhering to ancient forms and principles in the constitution; the Oporto Junta, on the contrary, animated by a spirit of furious democracy, wished to go as great lengths as the Spaniards. The latter faction, headed by Silveira, prevailed so far as to obtain a determination, that the Cortes, like that of Spain, should be elected according to the population, and that one deputy should be returned for every thirty thousand inhabitants. This, however, was not enough; for the Cortes, even thus constituted, might not be willing to degrade the throne and the church, so completely as had been done at Madrid. To effectuate their purpose, therefore, they prevailed upon the troops to assemble on the 11th of November, round the palace of the government, where the Junta were sitting in council; and by their loud elamours, they instantly obtained

from it a decree, that the Spanish constitution should be adopted in toto, and that the Cortes should have the power of altering it only in minute and subordinate particulars. The democratical faction, at the same time, gave the command of the army to one of their most eager partisans, and secured to themselves a majority of votes in the council. The more moderate members withdrew. Silveira took to himself the department of foreign affairs.

This change was a surprise upon the public. The measure itself was not acceptable; 'and the mode in which it had been effected, excited alarm and disgust in the more respectable classes of the citizens, and in all the corporate bodies. The nation was struck at seeing many of those, in whose talents and integrity it had hitherto placed the greatest confidence, refuse to take any share in the administration after the events of the 11th.

A hundred and fifty officers of the army resigned their commissions. Texeira, commander in chief at Lisbon, who had been deluded into co-operation with Silveira's party on the 11th, and through whose means the obnoxious measures had been successful, repented of the part which he had acted; and Sepulveda laboured strenuously to make the army sensible of their fault or error. He succeeded so completely, that on the 17th of November, a military council was held of general officers and commanders of divisions. After deliberating from ten in the morning to three in the afternoon, they came to the following resolutions:

1st. That the state of the capital and public opinion require, that

the deputies who lately desired their discharge, resume their functions, because neither the army nor the nation concurred.

2nd. That the election of deputies to the Cortes be made according to the Spanish system, this being the general opinion of the nation and the army, and the sole motive which caused the general parade on the 11th of November.

3rd.That no other part of the Spanish constitution shall be enacted, except when the Cortes shall meet and adopt it, with the alterations which they shall judge proper.

Major-general Povao and Vasconcellas were dispatched immediately to the palace of the government, to notify these resolutions to the Junta, and the result was, that the moderate party resumed the ascendancy. Their leaders were received with unbounded applause by the people. Silveira was deprived of all power. He was further ordered to quit the city within two hours; to retire without stopping on the road, except for necessity, to his estate at Canales, and not to quit it without permission. He immediately left the capital, accompanied for the first three leagues by an escort of cavalry. The Cortes did not meet till the beginning of the following year.

A vessel arrived from Rio Janeiro on the 16th of December, bringing the first dispatches that had been sent from the court, after the news of the revolution had reached them. When they were written, however, the subsequent events of the 15th of September and the 1st of October were unknown in the Brazils; so that they were not at all applicable to the actual circumstances of affairs.

The Spanish constitution found

in Naples, imitators not less zealous than in Portugal, The passion for a representative government had long existed in the south of Italy, amid the better and middling classes of society. The secret associations, known by the name of Carbonari (of which as yet we know little with certainty, except their existence and their name), preserved and diffused this passion, and afforded it the means of displaying itself in action. And such was the influence of the Carbonari, even so far back as 1814, that, in that year, fifteen Neapolitan generals formed a plan, which accidents afterwards induced them to lay aside, of marching upon Naples with twelve thousand men, who were cantoned in the marshes, in order to force Murat to grant a constitution. Ferdinand himself, in the proclamation addressed to the Neapolitans, when he was on the point of leaving Sicily in 1815, promised to gratify his subjects on this point. The people, be there says, will be the sovereign, and the monarch will only be the depository of the laws, which shall be decreed by a constitution the most energetic and desirable. Hitherto, however, he had taken no step to fulfil his promise, deterred, no doubt, in part by his own aversion and that of his ministers to change; but still more perhaps by the influence of Austria, who was so apprehensive, lest the example of a free government in one part of Italy might endanger her possessions in Lombardy, that, in a secret treaty with Naples signed at Vienna, in June 1815, it was expressly stipulated, that his Neapolitan majesty should not introduce in his government any principles irreconcileable with those which were

adopted by Austria in the government of her Italian provinces.

Desirous of a representative government, hopeless of obtaining it from the spontaneous grace of their sovereign, and encouraged by the example of Spain to confide in the efficacy of their own endeavours, the Neapolitans seem to have formed a plan, in the early part of the year, for a simultaneous rising in different parts of the country against the established system. The Carbonari were very instrumental in promoting and carrying on the plot; and the greater part of the national guards seem to have participated in it. In the month of April a considerable force was collected in the neighbourhood of St. Agatha and Sessa, for the purpose of practising military manoeuvres; and as they remained together for several weeks, the officers who were inclined to revolutionary projects, had every opportunity to concert their plans.

Salerno was regarded as the centre of the Liberal, that is to say, of the revolutionary societies of the kingdom. On the 30th of May, the Liberals of that city sent general William Pepe, who commanded the provinces of Foggia and Avellino, a nomination to be their captain-general, with several printed proclamations recommending an insurrection in all the provinces, of which Pepe was urged to take the direction. Pepe burned the papers, disclosed nothing to the king, and told the Salernians to moderate their zeal. On the 20th of June, Pepe was informed of his majesty's intention to appoint him to the command of the Calabrias. "I saw clearly," says Pepe," that if I

removed from Avellino, partial revolts would break out at different points, which, for want of proper direction, might plunge the kingdom into anarchy. From that moment, I determined to unite, on the 25th of June, ten thousand men of the third military division, who, without disturbing the public tranquillity, should acquaint the king with the truths which his ministers had not dared to disclose, or beseech him to grant the promised constitution." Particular circumstances afterwards compelled him to delay the execution of this plan, and he dispatched an officer to the regiment of Bourbon, which was stationed at Nola, to prevent that corps from injuring the common cause by any premature partial movement. Pepe himself continued at Naples.

The plans of the revolutionists, however, were now ripe. On the second of July a squadron of that very regiment of Bourbon proclaimed the constitution at Nola. The same step was taken at Foggia, Avellino, and Salerno; and before there was time for orders to arrive from the capital, the constitution had been proclaimed in all the provinces.

As soon as intelligence arrived of the insurrection at Nola, and of the movement of the insurgent troops upon Avellino, general Compena was ordered from Salerno, and general Carascosa from the capital, to oppose them. During the 4th and 5th of July, the royal army was in front of the rebels, who had posted themselves in the defiles of the mountains, and no mark of disaffection had yet appeared among the troops, though the general had been extremely inactive. On the evening

of the latter day, general William Pepe quitted Naples, and, followed by a regiment of cavalry and one of infantry, proceeded to Avellino. This was a certain proof, that Carascosa too was in the plot. The king, therefore, seeing that resistance was vain, sent Pepe's brother to the royal army, to retract the orders that had been previously dispatched for attack ing the insurgents. On the following day, he issued a proclamation, in which he promised to publish within a week the basis of a constitution, and formed a new ministry, composed chiefly of men who had been employed by Murat. The duke of Campo Chiaro, the marquisses Amato and Ferreri, and counts Zurlo and Camaldoli, were the most conspicuous persons in it.

The army, not satisfied with these concessions, sent a deputation to Naples, to insist that Ferdinand should, within four-andtwenty hours, adopt the Spanish constitution. Upon hearing this new demand, he resolved to divest himself of the exercise of the royal prerogatives; and on the same evening he declared his eldest son, the duke of Calabria, vicar-general of the kingdom. On the morning of the 7th of July, the vicar-general announced his acceptance of the Spanish constitution; and the king at the same time confirmed the act of his son, and pledged his royal faith to its observance. On the 9th, after the triumphal entry of the revolutionary army into the capital, the vicar-general named the provisional junta; and in their presence he and his father swore, on the 13th of July, fidelity to the new order of things. Thus the kingdom of Naples, under the

control of the army, abolished all its existing political arranges ments, in order to adopt a bad and imperfect system, of which not ten men out of a million knew any thing except the name. With the exception of some lives that were lost in a quarrel between two regiments (whether produced by accident or by political feeling, is uncertain), the revolution was effected without bloodshed.

But though the leaders of the revolution found every thing go on prosperously at home, they looked with considerable alarm to the proceedings of foreign powers, and particularly of Aus tria. They immediately dispatched ambassadors to the principal courts of Europe; but these envoys were no where received or acknowledged, except at Madrid. Austria, more especially, did not dissemble her opinions of the late changes, or the line of policy which she meant to pursue. She issued violent proclamations against the Carbonari, forbade the exportation of military stores to the Neapolitan dominions, and began to assemble a large army in Italy.

Towards the end of October, the emperors of Austria and Russia, and the prince royal of Prussia, met at Troppau, to deliberate on the measures proper to be pursued towards the revolutionary government of Naples. They were assisted by their prime ministers. Lord Stewart also, and the French ambassador to the court of Vienna, went to Troppau ; but the former at least took no share in the conferences. The result of the meeting was, that the three sovereigns, by letters dated the 20th of November, invited Ferdinand to meet them at Lay