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The Commous, we have already seen, had adjourned to the same day. Previous to that day, Mr. Brougham sent a written commu

the crown, and embarrassing the country with far greater difficulties than those which seem to have induced his majesty's government to relinquish the prosecution of the bill.

(Signed) SHErfield.

NORTHUMBERLAND.

LOTHIAN.

WILLIAM (D. of Clarence.) AYLESBURY.

II.

Adhuc, 10 Die Novembris, 1820. "Dissentient,

"Because, that in a case of this nature, in which this House appears to us, by its resolution to read the bill a second time, by its proceedings in the committee upon the bill and the report, and by its resolution to read the bill a third time, to have strongly manifested that, in the judgment of a majority of this House, the guilt imputed in the preamble of the bill had been clearly proved, we think that considerations, affecting the justice and honour of the House, made it fit that the bill should pass.

"Because this appears to us to have been the more fit in a case in which so many peers, who voted against the third reading of the bill, had declared their conviction that the guilt imputed had been proved.

"Because we also think, that the House ought not, in considering whether the bill should pass, after its having been read a third time, to have been influenced by any regard to what might take place in an inquiry in the other House of Parliament, as was suggested in the course of our debates, save only that we deem it to have been just, that the party accused should have had an opportunity of calling for the judgment of both Houses, when this House, proceeding by a bill of Pains and Penalties, had expressed in its resolutions a judgment unfavourable to that party.

"Because we cannot but apprehend, that the resolution to adjourn the further consideration of the bill will lead to great misapprehension as to the real opinion of the majority of the peers of this House, as it is to be collected from the antecedent proceedings, properly

nication to the Speaker and to lord Castlereagh, that a message would be delivered from the queen. [For a copy of the in

understood, with reference to the ques-
tion upon the guilt imputed to the party
accused in the preamble of the bill.
(Signed) SHAFTESBURY.
BRIDGEWATER.
VERULAM.

WILLIAM(D. of Clarence.)"
III.

"Dissentient,

"Because it has been clearly established by undeniable evidence, and confirmed by the votes and declarations of a great majority of the House of Peers, that the princess of Wales (now queen) did commit adultery with a foreigner, and because we know of no other tribunal where this crime against the state, and against society, can be punished, or the repetition of the offence be prevented.

"Because the failure of this bill, unaccompanied by any other legislative or judicial proceeding, must encourage the commission of crime, and leave a great stain upon the honour of the throne, and the morals of the present generation.

(Signed) HARRIS.

WILLIAM (D. of Clarence)." IV.

"Dissentient,

"Because the guilt of her majesty the Queen having, after the fullest investigation and consideration of the evidence adduced for and against her majesty, been made out and established to the entire satisfaction of my honour and conscience, and the bill of Pains and Penalties having in the most solemn and deliberate manner, passed through its different stages, and received the sanction of this House to the third reading, I cannot allow of its abandonment at this period of the sedulous and exemplary attendance and labours of this House, without recording my protest against a measure which involves a dereliction of the sacred duty of administering justice by this House, and which suffers the most abandoned and licentious conduct to remain, if not triumphant, at least unpunished, to the disgrace of our country, in derogation of the honour and dignity of this House,

tended message, see Chronicle, page 496.] The Speaker returned for answer, that he would take the chair at a quarter before two o'clock. He accordingly entered the House at that hour. Two members having been sworn in, and two new writs moved for, Mr. Denman then rose, about five minutes past two, with a paper in his hand, which, he said, was a communication from the queen. At the same time, the deputy-usher of the black rod entered the House, amidst the loudest cries for "Mr. Deuman," from about fifty members. With these cries, were mingled shouts of "withAraw, withdraw," addressed to the black rod. Mr. Denman continued standing, with the message in his hand, and did not, for a moment, give way to that officer. Not a word the usher said was heard. His message was drowned amidst vehement cries of "Shame, shame," from the Opposition. His lips moved, but no sound was audible. After this mummery, the black rod retreated. A pause ensued, when

Mr. Tierney rose, and observed, that not one word of what had fallen from the deputy usher had been heard; and how, then, did the Speaker know what was the message, or whether he was wanted at all in the other House?

The uproar still continuing, and Mr. Bennett exclaiming, with a loud voice-" This is a scandal

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to the country," the Speaker rose, and proceeded down the body of the House, amidst cries of "Shame, shame," and loud hisses from the Opposition. Lord Castlereagh, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and the ministerial members, accompanied him to the House of Lords.

There, after the lords commissioners had given the royal assent to a private bill, the Chancellor announced, in their name, that they had it in command from his majesty to prorogue parliament to a day mentioned in the commission authorizing that prorogation. The commission was then read; and the chancellor immediately, in his majesty's name, prorogued the parliament to the 23rd of the following January. No speech was delivered by the commissioners.

Probably, no measure was ever introduced into parliament, in the success of which the crown took a deeper interest, than in that of the bill for the Degradation of the queen. It was a measure, too, in behalf of which, many sound reasons might be urged for it was much less difficult to assign grounds for believing her majesty guilty, than to find out pretexts for saying, that she was innocent. Yet, in spite of all the royal influence-in spite of the strong case which the ministers made out-in spite of the aid which they derived from the cooperation of some of the ablest members of the Opposition; they were, notwithstanding, forced to yield to the general clamour, and to abandon their measure. Such a result-whether it was wise or unwise-just or unjust, in the particular case-ought, at least, always to be recollected, as a no

ble proof of the independence of our aristocracy. Our nobles disregarded the displeasure of the crown, and chose rather to yield to the current of popular prejudice, thinking that the most effectual mode of reducing her majesty to insignificance, was to abstain from all measures against her. There was one circumstance, of a nature not to be openly avowed in debate, which had great weight with many of the peers. They were convinced, that the bill would not be passed by the Commous, and they opposed it for that reason. Since it was not to pass finally, the sooner it was stopped in its progress, the better. Whether it would have received the sanction of the Lower House, had it been allowed to go so far, it is not easy to divine; but it is obvious, that the difficulties of the investigation, felt to be considerable in the Lords, would have been increased a thousand-fold in the Commons. That House could not examine witnesses on oath; it could not have the benefit of the opinions of the judges: the advocates on both sides were like wise members, so that whatever they could not say or do, in the one capacity, would be said and done by them in the other. It is impossible to guess what course the inquiry would have taken

there, how it would have been conducted, or to what extent it might have been spun out.

The failure of the bill, though a defeat to ministers, was far from being a triumph to the queen; for, surely, it could be no matter of exultation to have been pronounced guilty of adultery, and worthy of degradation, by a majority of the highest assembly known to our law, and to have been declared guilty, even by the greater number of those who were unwilling to concur in any measure of punishment. The faction, however, hailed it as a triumph. On the evenings of the day on which the bill was abandoned, and of the following Saturday and Monday, scanty illuminations took place in some quarters of the metropolis-less the ebullition of zeal, than the fruits of precaution against the outrages of a mob that paraded the streets. Addresses of congratulation poured in upon her; and resolutions were passed at various meetings, coudemning the ministers, and recommending their removal. The ministers, however, remained in their places; and, from the day when the bill was abandoned, her majesty began to be less an object of public interest, and to fall gradually into comparative insignificance.

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CHAP. XII.

FRANCE-The Ministry of 1819-Influence of the Count de CazesThe Operation of the existing Election-Law--A new Ministry formed, of which De Cazes is the Head-The Election of M. Gregoire annulled-Different Schemes for modifying the ElectionLaw-The Murder of the Duke de Berri-De Caze's ElectionLaw-His Law restraining the Liberty of the Press-His Law authorising arbitrary Arrests-He resigns-The Duc de Richelieu appointed Minister-Debates on the Law of Arrests, and on the Law for the Regulation of the Press-New Election-Law-The Grounds on which it was recommended-Violent Opposition-The Ministers express their willingness to consent to a Modification of it-A Modification proposed by some of the Liberals, and accepted -Finance-Louvel's Trial-Attempts to alarm the Duchess of Berri-The Birth of a Prince-Fresh Conspiracy.

WE concluded our account of French affairs for the year 1819, with the speech addressed by the king to the Chambers on their re-assembling in the month of November. The ministry, which had been in the possession of power from the commencement of that year, , consisted chiefly of inen, who were supposed to lean more to the side of the liberals, than to that of the ultra-royalists, and had come into place upon the resignation of the duke of Richelieu and his friends. The marquis Dessole was minister of foreign affairs; M. de Serre was keeper of the seals; Count de Cazes was at the head of the police; the baron Louis, of the finances; and the baron Portal, of the navy. Of these, M. Decazes was supposed to possess the principal share of influence. Though a creature of Buonaparte, and, indeed, raised from a very obscure situation by the patronage of some of the females of the usurper's family, he

had distinguished himself by his fidelity to the Bourbons during the interregnum of a hundred days in 1815, and by his refusal to acknowledge the authority of the newly returned emperor. This conduct recommended him for promotion, higher than that to which he had already attained; and, being shortly afterwards advanced to a situation, which gave him frequent access to the king, he availed himself of these oppor tunities to conciliate the good-will of the monarch, and to acquire a considerable influence over him. The opinions and prejudices which he professed, were precisely those which suited a prudent yet aspiring statesman-great attachment to the royal family, with a strong predilection for liberal principles. The latter was fitted to procure him the support of the nation; the former, to make him a favourite at court. It was scarcely possible for the king to leave all power in the hands of

the ultra-royalists; for their notions, feelings, and prepossessions were not in unison with those of the majority of the nation, and yet they cared much more for them than for the tranquillity of their sovereign. As little could he be disposed to trust the generality of the liberals, who were, for the most part, too intimately connected with the partisans of the late usurper. But Decazes was free from both kinds of objection. His principles of government were acceptable to the nation; his personal attachments made him acceptable to the Bourbons.

This ministry were not quite agreed among themselves. The principal point on which they differed, was the law of elections. According to the settlement of 1817, every Frenchman of thirty years of age or upwards, who paid 300 francs of direct contribution, had a vote; and the deputies were chosen directly by their votes, without any intermediate appointment of electors. The effect of this arrangement had been to make the chamber of deputies much more popular in its constitution than before; and, at each annual renovation of a fifth part of its members, which had since taken place, the côté gauche, or violently liberal party, had gained greatly in strength. Had any Had any doubt been entertained as to the practical operation of the existing mode of choosing the deputies, that doubt was entirely removed by the result of the elections of the Autumn of 1819. Nearly twothirds of the returns had been in favour of the côté gauche, while the remaining third was divided very unequally between the ministers and the ultra-royalists. If, therefore, the system was not al

tered, the next elections would necessarily put the reins of power in the hands of the liberals.

It was from a knowledge of this, and to guard against that accession of strength, which it was foreseen that the liberals would acquire, and which they did acquire, by the elections of 1819, that the ultra-royalists had, in the beginning of that year, attempted to procure a modification of the election law, and that the Chamber of Peers had declared in favour of a change. The ministers, we have seen, defended the law as it stood, and no alteration was made. Some of them were still inclined to follow the same course, and to trust for support, not to any arrangement by which the structure of the Chamber of Deputies might be affected, but to the adoption of such a line of policy as should ensure them the concurrence of the more moderate adherents of the côté gauche. Others were favourable to some change of the election-law, provided the change was not fundamental. As both of these classes threw themselves, in effect, into the arms of the decided oppositionists, M. Decazes could not have concurred with them without endangering his credit at court, He therefore thought, that the system of elections should be placed on a new basis. And as the liberals would never co-operate in effecting an alteration which would impair their own influence, he saw, that, to accomplish his design, it would be necessary to form a partial union with the ultraroyalists. Accordingly, in the month of November a change of administration took place. The baron Pasquier succeeded the marquis Dessole in the depart

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