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times when she was protected by the late king, had been connected with her adversaries. The radicals naturally became her partisans; because they had no better means of decrying the king, than by the eager defence of her

cause.

It is likewise evident, that preparations had been made to prevent the popular enthusiasm from wasting itself, and to give it a direction, which would both exhibit its force and render it contagious. The flags that were in readiness the processions-the addresses-all betoken that some persons were concerned, who were not strangers to the art of exciting, prolonging, and magnifying the popular voice.

It is further worthy of remark, that, up to the time of her majesty's arrival, none of the newspapers had taken any interest in her concerns. They had seen her

name expunged from the Liturgy without remonstrance: they had heard of her expected arrival without manifesting any impatience: they had announced to us her protracted stay in Italy without disappointment. Even after it was known, that she had arrived at St. Omer, no vehemence was manifested in her cause. No sooner, however, had she set her foot on English ground, than the calm was changed into a storm. Either from prudent sympathy with the popular feeling, or from some other more secret cause, journals, which on the Monday would grant her only a few lines, and those, too, expressed with the utmost caution, now sounded the trumpet of alarm through the land, and called upon the friends of innocence to avenge the past insults offered to their queen, and to protect her against them for time to come.

CHAP. X.

Situation of Ministers-Meetings of the Cabinet-King's Message to Parliament-Debate in the Commons, on the Reading of the Royal Message-Motion for a Select Committee-Opposed by Mr. Brougham-He is answered by Mr. Canning-The Debate adjourned, on the Motion of Mr. Wilberforce, that Time might be `given for Negotiation with the Queen-Proceedings in the House of Lords on the same Evening-The Lords vote for the Appointment of a Select Committee-The Committee appointed, and the Time of their Meeting postponed-Correspondence between Mr. Brougham, on behalf of her Majesty, and Lord LiverpoolCourse of the Negotiation between Ministers and her MajestyFailure of that Negotiation-Mr. Wilberforce gives Notice of a Motion on the Subject-He proposes two Resolutions-Mr. Brougham's Speech-Lord Castlereagh's Speech-Lord Archibald Hamilton" moves an Amendment-Sir Francis Burdett supports the Amendment-Mr. Tierney's Speech-Mr. Wilberforce's Resolutions carried-They are communicated by a Deputation to the Queen-Her Majesty's Refusal to accede to them-The Queen a Gainer by these Proceedings-The Commons adjourn the further Consideration of the Royal Message, in order to see whether any and what Measures would be originated in the House of Lords.

HIS

IS majesty's ministers seem now to have had no alternative left, whether we consider the circumstances of their situation in itself, or with a reference to their past measures. The queen was accused of adulterous intercourse with her own domestic: the king and they believed the accusation to be true: yet she braved their resentment, and claimed to be acknowledged by them as pure and spotless. It was not enough that they should abstain from publicly prosecuting her, with a view to establish her guilt they were called upon, while she laboured under the strongest suspicion, immediately

to pronounce her innocent, and to put her in full possession of all the privileges, legal or honorary, of her royal station. She would hear of no negotiation, which did not assert, that she was above suspicion; of no terms, which supposed the least doubt concerning her innocence. Would it not have been the extreme point of degradation, to have thus submitted to her? Would it not have been treachery to the crown, to have proclaimed her perfectly worthy of wearing it, while they believed her (and not without strong reasons) to be tainted with the basest corruption? Would it not have been an insult

to the nation, to have placed at its head, a woman, who laboured under the gravest charges? From the moment, therefore, that the queen would not consent, by living abroad and abstaining from the assumption of her royal dignity, to suffer the past to drop into oblivion, there was no course which could be adopted, except that of commencing proceedings to establish her guilt, and, if that guilt was proved, to degrade her from the throne. From the very nature of the case, this was the sole path left open; and, it was only timidity and indecision, that could flatter itself with the hope, that this extremity might be avoided.

Even if the case, considered in itself, had been different, ministers were bound down to this course, by their first measures. The queen had been told by lord Hutchinson, in their name, that, if she set foot upon English ground, legal steps would immediately be taken against her. Were they now to retract their threats, and belie their own declarations? And if they were weak enough so far to disparage themselves, what benefit could they derive from it? What end could it serve, except to convince her, with whom they had to deal, that, with daring and obstinacy, she might carry every point? They had expunged her name from the Liturgy: and could they, after this practical assertion of her unworthiness, consent to invest her with the plenitude of royal pomp? Some respect surely was due to the feelings of the sovereign, and he was not to be doomed to share his throne with a woman, who was believed to have disgraced it. It

was said, too, that when he consented, immediately after his accession, to abstain from seeking a divorce, the ministers had pledged themselves to proceedings against her, if she should ever come to England.

It was on the evening of Monday the 5th of June, that the intelligence reached London, of the queen's refusal to negotiate, and of her embarkation that morning at Calais. The event was as unexpected, as it was embarrassing, to the ministers. A cabinet council was held at lord Liverpool's house, the same night, at nine o'clock, and continued sitting till past twelve o'clock. Next morning they renewed their deliberations at ten o'clock, which were prolonged till half past twelve. The same night they met again at nine o'clock.

In the interval, between the last two sittings of the cabinet council, the two Houses of Parliament had met at their usual hour, and curiosity and anxiety, concerning the measures that were to be adopted towards her majesty, had produced a very full attendance of members. About two o'clock, the king went in state to the House of Lords, where he gave the royal assent to several bills. After this business was gone through, lord Liverpool brought down a message from the king, which was read from the woolsack by the chancellor. It was in the following words:

"GEORGE R.

"The king thinks it necessary, in consequence of the arrival of the queen, to communicate to the House of Lords, certain papers, respecting the conduct of her majesty, since her departure from this kingdom, which he recom

mends to the immediate and serious attention of this House.

"The king has felt the most anxious desire to avert the necessity of disclosures and discussions, which must be as painful to his people as they can be to himself; but the step now taken by the queen, leaves him no alternative.

"The king has the fullest confidence that, in consequence of this communication, the House of Lords will adopt that course of proceeding which the justice of the case, and the honour and dignity of his majesty's crown, may require.

"GEORGE R."

Lord Liverpool then laid on the table the papers referred to in his majesty's message, contained in a green bag; and proposed, that his majesty's message should be taken into consideration to-morrow, when he meant to move an address upon it. The terms of the address would be such, as not to pledge their lordships to any thing further, than to thank his majesty for his communication, and to assure him, that their lordships would adopt that course of proceeding, which the justice of the case, and the honour and dignity of the crown, should appear to require. He would then move, to refer the papers he had laid on the table, to a secret committee, having for its object to inquire, whether any, and what course of proceeding, should be adopted.

Though the number of opposition-peers present was unusually great, no remark was made on the royal communication, or on the course of proceeding, which the minister had stated as that which he meant to follow. The House adjourned without any discussion. The message, accompanied by

a similar bag of papers, was carried to the Commons by lord Castlereagh, who, in moving that it should be taken into consideration on the following day, gave an intimation, corresponding to that which had been given by lord Liverpool, of the future course of proceeding. Lord Castlereagh's part in the Commons, was, however, much more difficult, than that of his colleague in the Lords: for no sooner had his motion been put by the Speaker, than Mr. Grey Bennett poured forth a most intemperate harangue, composed of questions and invective. Of his invective, we shall say nothing: the interrogatory part of this harangue, was of more consequence. He demanded to know, whether a letter, which had appeared in a public newspaper, purporting to be a letter from lord Hutchinson to Mr. Brougham, was a genuine document or not? Whether lord Hutchinson had been instructed by his majesty's ministers to tender to the queen a proposal, that she should renounce all right, title, and claim, to the name, dignity, and honours of Queen of England? and whether the bribe, offered her for making this renunciation, was an income of 50,0007. a year? He asked these questions, because, hardy as ministers were, he did not believe that they were hardy enough to venture to insult the queen, and betray the king, by such a proposition; and therefore, till he heard them confess, that they had made it, he should not believe that any such proposition had been made.

In reply to the extreme intemperance of Mr. Bennett's speech, lord Castlereagh, with more than his usual suavity of manner, calmly observed, that he had often

before had occasion to admire the good temper of the hon. gentleman, but he had never had greater occasion to admire it, than at the present moment, when he had, with so much milduess, entered into one of the most important questions, which had ever come under the notice of the House, whether it was considered in its relation to the dignity of the crown, or to the tranquillity of the nation. Out of tenderness to the hon. gentleman, and with a view to allow him time to reflect upon the subject, he should decline to answer the questions which he had put; for he would appeal to the House, whether any answer was necessary, considering the grave communication which had been just made to it. Sir Robert Wilson and Mr. Creevey spoke in a strain similar to that of Mr. Bennett. Mr. Brougham could certainly have answered their questions better than any body else. He knew what the propositions were, that had been made to the queen: he had originally suggested them; he approved of them; he had been the bearer of them. When his friends, therefore, successively declared, that these propositions, if made, amounted to an act of treachery to the crown and the country, it would have been well had he condescended to set them right. He contented himself, however, with complaining of an imperfect statement, which had that morning appeared in the papers, of the transactions at St. Omer, and of the publication of lord Hutchinson's letter. To whom this breach of confidence was to be attributed, he declared himself at a loss to conjecture. For our own parts, we see no breach of confiVOL. LXII.

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Lord Archibald Hamilton now made the tardy discovery, that the exclusion of the queen's name from the Liturgy, was oppressive, unjust, and illegal. He even maintained, that, as a preliminary to inquiry, her name should be inserted in the public prayers, because, if the queen was to be brought to trial, the public mind should not be prejudiced beforehand. In other words, accused persons ought not to be treated as suspected; not only should they be exempt from the punishment affixed by law to guilt, but the accusers themselves must act, as if they believed the charge to be false.

The only sensible remark, which was made in this indecent and illtimed discussion, came from Mr. Brougham. He said, that, whatever the merits of the case against the queen might be, the defence of ministers must rest upon their proving, that her landing in England had made all further forbearance impossible.

On the 7th June, Mr. Brougham, before the royal message of the preceding day was taken into con [L]

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