Queen" I repaired, I must own, with my husband and his children to the hall of the Opera house; but I did not see that the national cocade. was trod under toot. It is false that I ever spoke to the soldiers of the regiment of Nafsau, or to the chafseurs of Trois Eveches."

President-"What did you say to the life guards when you appeared at that orgy?"

Queen" I applauded that banquet, because it was to have produced the union of the life guards with the national guards."

Public Accuser-" Have you not held secret councils at the house of the ci-devant Duchefs of Polignac-Councils at which the ci-devant French princes afsisted, and in which, after having discussed the fate of the empire, you gave yourself up to the infamous pleasures of debauchery."

Queen-"All the state affairs were discussed in council, and no where else. I have no knowledge of the rest of this afsertion."

Fublic Accuser-“ Are not Thouret, Barentin, and de Espremenil, the authors of the articles of the declaration of June 23. ?"

Queen" The ministers in place alone composed the council at that time."

Judge-" Did not your husband communicate his designs to you, wher he invested the hall of the representatives of the people with troops ?"

Queen" My husband reposed his confidence in me; he communicated to me the speech which he was to have made on that occasion. He had in other respects, no bad intentions."

Judge

Why did troops of the line invest Paris and Versailles ?” Queen" For the sake of general safety."

Judge- What use have you made of the immense sums which you have been entrusted with?

Queen" No enormous sum has been entrusted to me; the accounts of my household will prove what use has been made of all I have received." Fudge

How did the family of the Polignacs, who were so poor at first, grow so rich ?" Queen" That family held offices at court, which were very lucrative."

viany other questions were asked, and answers given in the same recollected manner, which our limits prevent us from particularising. The following may fhow of what nature the evidence was that was brought against her.

Koulsillon, ci-devant judge of the Revolutionary Tribunal-" All the facts contained in the act of accusation are of such public notoriety, tha it is unccefsary to spend time on them: If my fullest conviction can be of any weight, I will not hesitate to affirm, that I am fully persuaded that this woman is guilty of the greatest crimes; that the as always conspired

against the liberty of the French people. The following is a circumstance which I have to relate to you:-On the 10th of August, I was present at the siege of the Chateau of the Thuilleries. I saw under the bed of Marie Antoinette full or empty bottles, from which I concluded that he had herself distributed wine to the Swifs soldiers, that these wretches in their intoxication, might afsafsinate the people." Roufsillon then declared, that his intention and that of the other patriots, was, after having inflicted justice on the Etat Major of the Swiss guards, to proceed to the Convention, to sacrifice the royal family, who had taken refuge there. "We met (added he) Brifsot and Guadet, who conjured us not to commit that political crime; I say, political crime, for it can never surely be a crime in morals to rid the earth of tyrants."

When the mock forms of justice were gone through, the Tribunal declared the widow Capet guilty of having been accefsary to and having cooperated in different manœuvres against the liberty of France; of having entertained a correspondence with the enemies of the republic; of having participated in a plot tending to kindle civil war in the interior of the republic, by arming citizens against each other.

66

When the sentence was read to the queen, the cast down her eyes, and did not again lift them up. "Have you nothing to reply upon the determination of the law? said the president to her. Nothing," the replied. 66 And you officious defenders?" "Our mission is fulfilled with respect to the widow Capet," said they.

Sentence of death was then passed upon her, and the next day, viz Wednesday 16th ult. fhe was guillotined, at half past 11 o'clock in the forenoon.

The whole armed force in Paris was on foot from the place of justice to the place de la Revolution. The streets were lined by two very close rows of armed citizens. As soon as the ci-devant queen left the Conciergerie, to ascend the scaffold, the multitude which was afsembled in the courts and the streets, cried out brave, in the midst of plaudits. She had on a white loose drefs, and her hands were tied behind her back. She looked firmly round her on all sides. She was accompanied by the ci-devant Curate of St Landry, a constitutional priest, and on the scaffold preserved her natural dignity of mind.

When laid hold of by the exccutioner, fhe was observed to faintly smile, and submitted to her execution in the most pafsive manner: but at the moment, not a fhout or murmur was heard among the immense multitude that surrounded.

Three young persons who dipped their handhercheifs in her blood, were immediately arrested.

Fronson de Coudray and Chaveau de la Gards, the pleaders for Marie Antoinette, were, by order of the Committee of General Safety, put in

state of arrest, before sentence was pronounced.--The order says that this is a measure of general safety; that the arrest fhali last only 24 hours and that every attention fhall be paid to these prisoners.

Some accounts state that the queen was acquitted by the Tribunal, but that a sanguinary mob seized upon the unhappy queen and murdered her! We merely state this rumour, though we do not think it well authenticated; but in fact, the execution of an unjust sentence by regular forms is as repugnant to humanity as the most savage outages of a lawlefs mob.

DOMESTIC

The government of Britain have at length declared by the following manifesto, what are the objects they with ultimately to attain by the present war. Perhaps had this been published many months ago, and had it been accompanied by another to the same effect by the other allies, the effusion of much blood might have been prevented. It is hoped it may not still be too late to be of some service.

British manefisto.

Whitehall October 29. 1793.

The following Declaration has been sent, by his majesty's command, to the commanders of his majesty's fleets and armies employed against France, and to his majesty's ministers residing at foreign courts.

The circumstances, in consequence of which his majesty has found himself engaged in a defensive war against France, are known already to all Europe. The objects which his majesty has proposed to himself from the commencement of the war are of equal notoriety. To repel an unprovoked aggression, to contribute to the immediate defence of his allies, to obtain for them and for himself a just indemnification, and to provide, as far as circumstances will allow, for the future security of his own subjects, and of all the other nations of Europe; these are the points for which his ma jesty has felt it incumbent on him to employ all the means which he derives from the resources of his dominions, from the zeal and affection of his people, and from the unquestionable justice of his cause.

But it has become daily more and more evident how much the internal situation of France obstructs the conclusion of a solid and permanent treaty, which can alone fulfil his majesty's just and salutary views for the accompliftment of these important objects, and for restoring the general tranquillity of Europe. His majesty sees, therefore, with the utmost satisfactior, the prospect, which the present circumstances afford him, of accelerating the return of peace, by making to the well disposed part of the people of France, a more particular declaration of the principles which animate him, of the objects to which his views are directed, and of the conduct which it is his intention to persue. With respect to the present situation of affairs, the events of the war, the confidence reposed in him by one of the most considerable cities of France, and, above all, the with which is manifested almost universally in that country, to find a refuge from the tyranny bý which it is now overwhelmed, render this explanation on his majesty's part & prefsing and indespensable duty; and his majesty feels additional satisfaction in making such a declaration, from the hope of finding, in the other powers engaged with him in the common cause, sentiments and views perfectly comformable to his own.

From the first period, when his most claistian majesty Louis the xvI. had called his people around him, to join in concerting measures for their conmon happiness, the king has uniformly thown by bis conduct the sincerity of his withes for the success of so difficult, but at the same time, so intercssing an undertaking. His majesty was desply afficted with all the misfor

tunes which ensued, but particularly when he perceived more and more evidently that measures, the consequences of which he could not disguise from himself, must finally compel him to relinquish the friendly and pacific system which he had adopted. The moment at length arrived when his majesty saw that it was necefsary for him not only to defend his own rights and those of his allies, not only to repel the unjust aggrefsion which he had recently experienced, but that all the dearest interests of his people imposed upon him a duty still more important, that of exerting his efforts for the preservation of civil society itself, as happily established among the nations of Europe.

The designs which had been profefsed of reforming the abuses of the government of France, of establishing personal liberty and the rights of property on a solid foundation, of securing to an extensive and populous country, the benefit of a wise legislation, and an equitable and mild administration of its laws, all these salutary views have unfortunately vanished. In their place has succeeded a system destructive of all public order, maintained by proscriptions, exiles, and confiscations without number, by arbitrary imprisonments, by mafsacres, which cannot even be remembered without horror, and at length, by the execrable murder of a just and beneficent sovereign, and of the illustrious princcis, who, with an unshaken firmness, has fhared all the misfortunes of her royal consort, his protracted suferings, his cruel captivity, his ignominious death. The inhabitants of that unfor tunate country, so long flattered by promises of happiness, renewed at the period of every fresh crime, have found themselves plunged into an abyss of unexampled calamities; and neighbouring nations, instead of deriving a new security for the maintenance of general tranquillity from the establishment of a wise and moderate government, have been exposed to the repeated attacks of a ferocious anarchy, the natural and necefsary enemy of all public order. They have had to encounter acts of aggression without pretext, open violations of all treaties, unprovoked declarations of war: in a word whatever corruption, intrigue, or violence could effect, for the purpose so openly avowed of subverting all the institutions of society, and of extending over all the nations of Europe, that confusion which has produced the misery of France,

This state of things cannot exist in France without involving all the surrounding powers in one common danger, without giving them the right, without imposing it upon them as a duty, to stop the progrefs of an evil which exists only by the successive violation of ail law and all property, and which attacks the fundamental principles by which mankind is united in the bonds of civil society.--is majesty by no means disputes the right of France to reform its laws. It never would have been his wish to employ the influence of cxternal force with respect to the particular forms of government to be established to an independent country. Neither has he now that with, except in so far as such interference is become efsential to the

Security and repose of other powers. Under these circumstances, he de mands from France, and he demands, with justice, the termination of a system of anarchy, which has no force but for the purpose of mischief, unable to discharge the primary duty of all government, to reprefs the disorders, or to punish the crimes which are daily encreasing in the interior of the country, but disposing arbitrarily of the property and blood of the inhabitants of France, in order to disturb the tranquillity of other nations, and to render all Europe the theatre of the same crimes and of the same misfortunes. The king demands that some legitimate and stable government should be established, founded on the acknowledg d principles of universal justice, and capable of maintaining with other powers the accustomed relations of union and of peace. His majesty wifhes ardently to be enabled to treat for the re-establishment of general tranquillity with such a government, exercising a legal and periaanent authority, animated with the with for general tranquillity, and pofsefsing power to enforce the observance of its engagements. The king would propose none other than equitable and moderate conditions, not such as the expences, the risques, and the sacrifi ces of the war might justify, but such as his majesty thinks himself under the indispensable necefsity of requiring with a view to these considerations, and still more to that of his own security, and of the future tranquillity of Europe. His majesty desires nothing more sincerely than thus to terminate a war which he in vain endeavoured to avoid, and all the calamities of which, as now experienced by France, arco be attributed only to the ambition, the perfidy, and the violence of those, whose crimes have involved their own country in misery, and disgraced all civilized nations.

As his majesty has hitherto been compelled to carry on war against the people of France collectively, to treat as enemies all those who suffer their property and blood to be lavifhed in support of an unjust aggrefsion, his ma→ jesty wonld see with infinite satisfaction the opportunity of making exceptions in favour of the well-disposed inhabitants of other parts of France, as he has already done with respect to those of Toulon. The King promises, on his part, the suspension of hostilities, friendship and (as far as the the course of events will allow, of which the will of man cannot dispose) secu rity and protection to all those who, by declaring for a Monarchical Government, hall thake off the yoke of a sanguinary anarchy, of that anarchy which has broken all the most sacred bonds of society, difsolved all the reJations of civil life, violated every right, confounded every duty, which uses the name of liberty to exercise the most cruel tyranny, to annihilate ali property, to seize on all pofsefsions, which founds its power on the pretended consent of the people, and itself carries fire and sword through extensive provinces, for having demanded their laws, their religion, and their lawful Sovereign.

It is then in order to deliver themselves from this unheard of oppression, to put an end to a system of unparallelled crimes, and to restore at length tranquillity to France, and security to all Europe, that his Majesty invites the co-operation of the people of France. It is for these objects that he calls upon them to join the standard of an hereditary Monarchy, not for the purpose of deciding, in this moment of disorder, calamity, and public dan ger, on all the modifications of which this form of government may hereafter be susceptible, but in order to unite themselves once more under the empire of law, of morality, and of religion; and to secure at length to their own country, external peace, domestic tranquillity, a real and genuine liberty, a wise, moderate, and beneficent government, and the uninterrupted enjoyment of all the advantages which can contribute to the happiness and prosperity of a great and powerful nation.