as to the measures and events which the new session was to disclose, less concern and solicitude on either side in the struggles and contentions of the rival parties. This might, no doubt, in great part, be ascribed to the circumstance, that at the time of which we speak, so many of the principal questions which in former years had violently divided the two great parties in the state, had been adjusted or laid to rest. The hopes or apprehensions of the public were no longer excited by the prospect of any further extension of political rights; the outcry for the ballot, or an enlargement of the suffrage, had almost ceased. The established church seemed to be reposing in tranquillity after the storm excited by the assaults of the dissenters; and although the condition of Ireland, that inexhaustible source of controversy and discussion, still presented, in the unsettled question of registration, the materials for renewed party-warfare, the continued and monotonous repetition of Irish topics, which had consumed so large a portion of preceding sessions, had naturally created a weariness and distaste of the subject in the public mind, and had worn out the interest once so keenly felt in the affairs of the sister country.

In the absence of domestic topics of more exciting interest, the important events which had recently taken place on the theatre of the East, and the brilliant success of the British armament on the coast of Syria, formed the chief topics of general discussion and attention; and the unanimity of feeling on events of so much national interest as these signal achievements of the British arms, naturally tended to absorb for a time the narrower impulses of party attachments. The

influence of these prosperous events, and the credit generally attributed by candid men of all parties, to the policy and address with which our foreign relations had been conducted to this issue, naturally tended, as far as they went, to strengthen the hands of the party in possession of power, and to introduce, under more favourable auspices, the measures with which they might be prepared to meet parliament. It was evident, nevertheless, that the peculiar situation of parties in the house of commons, which every new election that occurred was bringing to a still nearer equipoise, could not in the nature of things be of long continuance. The bare majority by which, in the preceding session, by continual concession and compromise, and not without the forbearance of their opponents, the whig ministry had managed to carry on the government, had decreased by the casualties of the recess, and was threatened with still further diminution; and unless reinforced by some unexpected accession of strength, or some lucky contingency yet to arise in the chapter of accidents, it was manifest that the transfer of power to the hands of the conservatives, whose strength and confidence had been steadily on the increase, was an event of which the exact period only was matter of uncertainty. And yet so often before had the whig government been apparently on the verge of dissolution, so many times had it weathered the storms which threatened it with destruction, and so great was the influence imputed to the sovereign's reputed predilection for her present advisers, that men were slow to give credit even to the surest prognostications of their approaching displacement, and

regarded the chances of the game as still rather in favour of the party in possession. Neither the hopes nor fears of the community, there fore, were much on the alert when parliament met; party-spirit had perhaps never been less keen, nor speculation less active, in any year that had elapsed since the passing of the reform act.

On the 26th of January the session was opened by her majesty in person, who delivered on the occasion the following speech:-

"My Lords and Gentlemen, "I have the satisfaction to rereceive from foreign powers assurances of their friendly dispositions, and of their earnest desire to maintain peace.

"The posture of affairs in the Levant had long been a cause of uneasiness and a source of danger to the general tranquillity. With a view to avert the evils which a continuance of that state of things was calculated to occasion, I concluded with the emperor of Austria, the king of Prussia, the emperor of Russia, and the sultan, a convention intended to effect a pacification of the Levant, to maintain the integrity and independence of the Ottoman empire, and thereby to afford additional security to the peace of Europe. I have given directions that this convention shall be laid before you. I rejoice to be able to inform you that the measures which have been adopted in execution of these engagements have been attended with signal success, and I trust that the objects which the contracting parties had in view are on the eve of being completely accomplished. In the course of these transactions my naval forces have co-operated with those of the emperor of Austria, and

with the land and sea forces of the sultan, and have displayed upon all occasions their accustomed gallantry and skill. Having deemed it necessary to send to the coast of China a naval and military force, to demand reparation and redress for injuries inflicted upon some of my subjects by the officers of the emperor of China, and for indignities offered to an agent of my crown, I at the same time appointed plenipotentiaries to treat upon these matters with the Chinese government.

"These plenipotentiaries were, by the last accounts, in negotiation with the government of China ; and it will be a source of much gratification to me if that government shall be induced, by its own sense of justice, to bring these matters to a speedy settlement by an amicable arrangement.

"Serious differences have arisen between Spain and Portugal about the execution of a treaty concluded by those powers in 1835, for regulating the navigation of the Douro, but both parties have accepted my mediation, and I hope to be able to effect a reconciliation between them upon terms honourable to both.

"I have concluded with the Argentine Republic, and with the Republic of Hayti, treaties for the suppression of the slave-trade, which I have directed to be laid before you.

Gentlemen of the House of
Commons,

"I have directed the estimates of the year to be laid before you. However sensible of the importance of adhering to the principles of economy, I feel it to be my duty to recommend that adequate provision be made for the exigencies of the public service.

My Lords and Gentlemen, "Measures will be submitted to you without delay, which have for their object the more speedy and effectual administration of justice. The vital importance of this subject is sufficient to ensure for it your early and most serious consideration. The powers of the commissioners appointed under the act for the amendment of the laws relating to the poor expire at the termination of the present year. I feel assured that you will earnestly direct your attention to enactments which so deeply concern the interest of the community.

"It is always with entire confidence that I recur to the advice and assistance of my parliament. I place my reliance upon your wisdom, loyalty, and patriotism, and I humbly implore of Divine Providence, that all your counsels may be so directed as to advance the great interests of morality and religion, to preserve peace, and to promote, by enlightened legislation, the welfare and happiness of all classes of my subjects."

The address to the throne was moved in the house of Lords by earl Ducie. The noble lord commenced by saying that he was most gratified to find that her majesty had received from foreign powers assurances of their desire to maintain peace. But dear and valuable as peace might be, he was the last person to desire that England should lose her position among nations by a culpable inactivity where her active interference was necessary. Such was the case which had lately arisen in the East, and, in his opinion, we owed a debt of gratitude to the head that planned and to the arms that executed the capture of Acre. He had every reason to believe and hope that our differences

with China would be speedily brought to a conclusion. Canada no longer exhibited symptoms of disturbance, but, on the contrary, presented grounds for much satisfaction with reference to the new constitution for the two provinces. With regard to domestic politics, the country was in the enjoyment of quiet. Our agriculture was in a state of the greatest prosperity; our manufactures had recovered from that depressed state in which they had for some time been, and had quite resumed that state of limited and uncertain prosperity beyond which they could not go, so long as there existed restrictive duties of such a nature as rendered it impossible for any foresight and caution to prevent the recurrence of famine prices and their consequences. He did not believe, that, in the history of this country, a better opportunity had ever been offered to the spirit and enterprise of our merchants. The noble lord then referred at some length to the state of our commercial affairs, with the view of showing that the principal causes which had hitherto pressed upon those interests were either removed or in the course of removal. Before concluding, he could not but draw the attention of the house to the uniform success which had attended the policy of her majesty's ministers. He had heard these happy results attributed to good fortune. He was of a different opinion. He referred to the prevalence of domestic quiet, to the firm administration of the laws; and the prospects of peace and extended commerce, he thought, were due to the manly and straightforward course taken by the noble lord the secretary for foreign affairs. There was one other point to which he must call their lord

ships' attention; he alluded to the safe delivery of her majesty and the birth of an heiress to the throne. This was a subject of thanks to a higher than earthly power, and there was no reflecting person who did not sincerely feel grateful to the all-wise Disposer of events, that there was now every hope that the inheritance of the throne of these realms would descend in a direct line. The noble lord concluded by expressing his confidence that their lordships would cordially adopt this part of the address. The address was then read by the noble lord, and was, as usual, an echo of the speech from the throne.

Lord Lurgan rose to second the address. He began by referring to the recent operations in the East, which he characterised as having been undoubtedly carried on with imminent risk, especially as regarded the friendship between this country and France. He was now inexpressibly delighted to hear that her majesty continued to receive from all foreign powers assurances of their desire to be at peace with this country. He now felt no hesitation in saying, thanks to the present glorious minister of France, that the peace of Europe would be preserved. The noble lord then referred, in terms of great pride and satisfaction, to the recent achievements of the British arms in Syria. These events had proved, notwithstanding what had been said of the deficiencies of our navy and arsenals, that they were in a state of perfect competency for any purpose which might be required. Nothing had been more conspicuous throughout these proceedings than the high principles of integrity and perfect good faith of the British government; there was

no pretence for insinuating that England had been influenced in the slightest degree by the desire of territorial aggrandisement. The conduct of our government had been honest, sincere, straightforward, and forbearing. After some remarks on our policy with respect to China, of which he expressed his full approbation, the noble lord briefly adverted to the auspicious event relating to her majesty, which afforded the house so happy an opportunity to offer their loyal congratulation. He trusted that the address would meet with their lordships' cordial and unanimous approval.

Lord Brougham could not let the address pass in silence; he did not mean to oppose it, but only to remind their lordships, that no one who concurred in voting for it pledged himself to any proposition. which it contained. He did not find in the present speech, like the noble lord who preceded him, the assurance from all foreign powers of their desire to maintain friendly relations with this country. It was so in the speech of last year, but not in the present speech, and the comparison of the two filled his mind with gloomy apprehensions. No man could more heartily rejoice than himself if the words of the present speech could be applied to our present position with regard to the French government. To be assured that the French government felt an unabated desire to maintain with this country the most friendly relations, would relieve him from the painful impression that the good understanding of the last ten years between France and England had, at least for the present, been terminated, that alliance which had secured the peace of Europe and of the world. The recent vic

tories of our troops, however honourable to their skill and gallantry, might be regarded with other feelings than those of pure and unmingled congratulation. If what had taken place could be justified, it could only be on the ground of pressing necessity and inevitable danger. He did not assent to the extreme opinion, that the best policy for England was to isolate herself and take no part in the affairs of the continent; but there was a wide difference between never interfering at all and perpetual intermeddling. It was of this excess of interference he complained. It appeared to him as if men or ministers were acting on some strange supposition, as if there were no difference between the British Channel and the Bosphorus, as if Syria were inland, or as if the rule of those countries, whether by the sultan or the pacha, concerned us as nearly as the rule of the French empire under Napoleon. The avowed object of those proceedings, by which the peace of Europe and alliance of France had been injured, was to preserve the integrity and independence of the Ottoman empire. Since when had we begun to think it indispensable to consult for this object? The noble lord then referred to several instances of late years, in which, as he contended, our conduct had been totally at variance with such a policy. Our offer to Mehemet Ali, in May, 1840, of the pachalic of Acre for life, with the fortress, which was the key to Syria-Syria being the key to the Taurus-the Taurus to the Bosphorus-and the Bosphorus to Constantinople, was utterly inconsistent with that object, of maintaining the independence of the Turkish empire, for which we were ready to sacrifice

the alliance of France, the only solid basis of the peace of Europe. To talk of renovating or reorganizing an empire which had been not for years, but for reigns, as if stricken with paralysis, a body which had already decayed and fallen to pieces, seemed to him the most chimerical object that could enter the mind of a statesman. If Syria could be restored to Turkey, what reason was there to suppose that she would be able to hold it? The argument urged for our interference in behalf of this object was that of danger; this must mean, on any doctrine of the balance of power, general danger to other countries-danger to the peace of the world. That danger meant nothing more nor less than danger from Russia herself. It was a strange thing indeed that our policy being particularly directed against Russia, that very power was the great patron, if not the original proposer, of the very policy in question. The zeal with which that power entered into the design, convincingly proved that she was to be in reality the great gainer from its result. Russia, perhaps, might lose some temporary advantages, but nothing in comparison of the certain ultimate furtherance of her schemes upon Turkey, which this policy would promote. It was the alliance of France and England which had made it hopeless for Russia to turn her eyes upon Constantinople. To see coldness and mistrust spring up between them was her most cherished aim. In this object she had unhappily thus far succeeded. The government of France was charged with an intention of getting hold of Egypt for herself. Was it more likely that France would attempt to carry such a design into effect if