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"What we required was this and not even to-night has an answer been given to the challenge Tell us, aye or no, when we intend to supply the deficiency of the revenue by striking a blow at some of the great monopolies which have hitherto retarded the prosperity of the country-when you object on narrow and insufficient grounds to our particular proposal, tell us plainly, do you approve of making up the deficiency in the way we intend, or are you prepared to vote new taxes for the purpose ?

Sir Robert Peel, he continued, had promised to give, with the utmost frankness, his opinions on the Corn, Sugar, and Timber questions; what then did his explanations amount to? With respect to Sugar, the only pledge he would give was, that for the next year he would not propose any change in the law. On the question of the Corn-laws he had avowed a preference for a sliding-scale over a fixed duty; but a sliding-scale might be a very slippery thing. He had not declared whether the sliding-scale would be one materially diminishing the present degree of protection or not. On the Timber duties he had been equally indefinite-pledging himself to nothing, until he should obtain the information which was now in the possession of the Ministers, and be put into the confidence of the Governor-general of Canada.

For his own part, he said, he remembered no great question which had ever been debated on such narrow grounds. The question was between free-trade-meaning thereby such a trade as opened the way to free competition on the one side, and monopoly on the other-between reason and prejudice-between the

interests of the many and the profits of the few. The Opposition had shrunk from grappling with this great issue, and had endeavoured to narrow the discussion to one collateral point, and to mislead the House and the country as to their real views by pretending an unbounded zeal for the welfare of the negroes. He distrusted the sincerity of this new-born zeal on the part of those who had themselves been parties to the sufferings of those negroes, and he ridiculed the inconsistency of excluding one kind of slave-grown produce and admitting others. Though we declined to take slave-grown sugar from the Brazilians ourselves, we did not scruple to assist their trade by acting as carriers in transporting their sugar to other countries, or by refining it for them. Was not the pretence of conscience under these circumstances a piece of gross hypocrisy? If indeed the Ministers had thought that their present proposition would give encouragement to the slave-trade, it would never have been made. The suppression of that traffic was to be effected in two ways-either by exercise of the utmost vigilance on the part of our maritime police, acting under treaties with foreign governments, or else by the measures which foreign governments themselves might be induced to adopt. The measure now proposed would materially aid in both these respects. When the Whigs first came into office in 1830, the slave-trade was carried on to the greatest extent, chiefly under the flags of Spain and Portugal. The first thing which they did was to procure an extension of the treaty with those countries, and a new treaty with France. That was of no use, however, unless they could obtain such treaties

with every power in the world that had a vessel sailing on the ocean. In this work great progress had been made. He then entered into a summary of the negotiations which had been effected or were in progress with various powers, which, if successfully carried through, as there was reason to hope, would end in a combination of all the States in Christendom, with the single exception of the United States of America, in a general league for the suppression of the slave-trade. The last mentioned power had hitherto been deterred by the name of the right of search, not remembering the distinction that existed between such a right of search as that required for the prevention of slavetrading, and that right of search against which they contended in their war with us. With respect to Brazil and Cuba, were we to assert, as Viscount Sandon now proposed to do, that free-labour could not compete with slavelabour, we should be supplying them with the best of all arguments against complying with our demand for the abolition of the slave-trade, and falsifying all that we had said as to the advantages of freedom. On the other hand, those who on broad views wished to extend the principles of liberty, should desire all that could contribute to the welfare of England"As long as England remains preeminent on the ocean of human affairs, there are none, be they ever so unfortunate, none, be their condition ever so desperate or forlorn, who do not turn with a look of hope to the light that beams from hence. They may be beyond the reach of our power; still our moral sympathy and our influence can support them under their reverses, VOL. LXXXIII.

and hold out to them in the midst of their difficulties the hope of better days. But if by the assaults of her enemies or the errors of her misguided sons, England should fall, or her star lose its lustre, with her would fall the hopes of the Africans, whether on their own continent or in the great regions of America; and they would, for a time at least, be buried in despair. (Loud cheers.) I know no nation that is now ready in this respect to supply our place."

He would impose duties on foreign produce solely for the purposes of revenue. He did not wish to see the principles of free-trade suddenly and instantly applied to the derangements of established interests and the ruin of great numbers of individuals. He desired to go

on with them as quickly and as straight-forwardly as circumstances would admit. It would not do to urge a more liberal commercial policy on foreign countries, telling them that competition is the light and life of trade, while we kept up our own restrictive system at home. Viscount Palmerston then pointed out in detail, from the results of his own official experience, the effect which our example in retaining high restrictive and prohibitory duties had exercised on the commercial policy of other states, inducing them to exclude the staple articles of British produce by high protecting duties, and to resist all proposals for a mitigation of their tariff until we should consent to a relaxation of our own. This was the effect produced by our commercial policy upon that of Germany, France, Belgium, Sweden, Russia, Mexico, and the United States. Foreign countries listened with polite incredulity to our representations, and pointed [1]

from our theories to our practice. Lord John Russell made a short speech in reply, and the House then divided on his motion, that the Speaker do leave the chair, which was negatived by a majority of 36-there being for the motion 281; against it 317.

Lord John Russell next moved pro forma the resolution of which he had given notice as an amendment to Viscount Sandon's, but it was negatived without a division, and that of Viscount Sandon being carried, the House adjourned at a very late hour.

The expectations to which so serious and decided a defeat of the Government gave rise naturally produced a considerable excitement and gave rise to many rumours, which caused the House of Commons and all the avenues to it to be exceedingly crowded the next day, it being supposed that Lord John Russell would make a statement of the course which the Government intended to pursue. Great therefore was the surprise of all present when the Chancellor of the Exchequer rising in his place, with as much tranquillity of manner as if nothing had occurred out of the ordinary course of business, gave notice that on the Monday following in a Committee of Ways and Means he should move the usual annual sugar duties.

Expectation was still alive, and attention was fixed on the ministerial leader, when Lord John Russell rose and simply moved that the House at its rising should adjourn to the Monday following.

The Earl of Darlington then, with much energy said, that he had been relieved of all suspense as to the intentions of the Government; "it was plain that they meant to stay in office-with a tenacity

he must be allowed to say-unparalleled in the history of governments, and with the deliberate decision of the House of Commons unequivocally declared against them;" (cheers and cries of order) he demanded to know, "when did Lord John Russell intend to bring on the question of the Corn-laws?" Lord John Russell-"on Friday, the 4th of June."

The House then adjourned.

The design of the Whig Ministry was now obvious. To pass over in silence their recent defeat on the Sugar-duties and having got the necessary supplies, to bring on a discussion on the Corn-laws, and dissolve Parliament while the freetrade agitation was at flood. The note of preparation for a general election was accordingly at once sounded throughout the country, and the work of canvassing speedily commenced. But the motions of the Government were keenly watched by opponents who were not disposed to let them so easily evade the consequences of their recent defeat. Intent on following up his victory at the earliest moment, Sir Robert Peel on the first day on which the House met after its temporary adjournment startled the Treasury Bench by giving notice that he should move on the ensuing Thursday (the 27th May) a resolution to the following effect.

"That her majesty's Ministers do not sufficiently possess the confidence of the House of Commons to enable them to carry through the House measures which they deem of essential importance to the public welfare; and that their continuance in office under such circumstances is at variance with the spirit of the constitution."

After this announcement had been made, causing enthusiastic

cheering from the Conservative benches, a question was put by Mr. Walter relative to the intention of Government as to the Poorlaw Act Amendment Bill, to which Lord John Russell answered, that it was not his intention to proceed with that bill this session. Considerable sensation was excited by this announcement. He after wards said, that he did not think it practicable in the present state of public business to carry the Bill, and he feared that many motions and speeches would be made upon it with a view to the hustings alone; but he desired to be understood as having in no degree changed his opinion upon the principle of the measure.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer then moved, pursuant to notice, the usual resolution for continuing the annual Sugar-duties. The motion found an unexpected seconder in Sir Robert Peel, who quoting the commencement of Viscount Sandon's resolution against the admission of foreign sugar, observed that after concurring in that, he could have no intention to refuse the duties on the freelabour sugar of our own colonies, and should therefore offer no resistance to the present proposal. He did not desire to stop the supplies; being of opinion that the question at issue between the Ministers and the Opposition might be more conveniently tried upon a motion of want of confidence.

After some strong observations upon Sir Robert Peel's policy by Sir de Lacy Evans and Mr. Hume, Lord John Russell observed that Sir Robert Peel did right in not reading that part of Viscount San

don's resolutions which went on the grounds of humanity. Every one knew that this was a mere pretext, and it had taken in no one except Dr. Lushington. He then took occasion to correct some misrepresentation of his former speech on the sugar question. And after a few words from Mr. Wakley, who disavowing all regard to the distinctions of Whig and Tory, promised to give his support to Sir Robert Peel, if he would promise larger concessions to the people than the Whigs, the Chancellor of the Exchequer's resolution was agreed to.

In the House of Lords at the same time some animated discussions upon the Corn-laws, though merely desultory, and arising upon the presentation of petitions, served to keep up the public excitement on that subject, while public meetings in all parts of the kingdom, at which the partisans of free-trade and protection respectively stirred up the feelings of their several adherents, gave note of the contest that was approaching. The newspapers began to be filled with details of arrangements for the expected elections, and announcement of candidates for the various constituencies. Such was the highlywrought state of the public mind at the time when the resolution of Sir Robert Peel, which was to decide finally whether the Ministers retained a majority in the House of Commons, came on for discussion. The debate, however, to which it gave rise, and the consequences which ensued upon it, must find a place in the following chapter.

CHAPTER VI.

Debate on Sir R. Peel's Resolution of Want of Confidence in the Government-His Speech in introducing it-Citation of historical Precedents-Distinction drawn between the present case and that of Mr. Pitt, in 1784-Speeches of Mr. Christopher, Sir James Graham, Sir William Follett, Mr. Serjeant Jackson, and Lord Stanley, in support of the Resolution-Speeches of Lord Worsley, Sir J. Hobhouse, Mr. Macaulay, Dr. Lushington, Mr. Handley, Mr. O'Connell, Viscount Morpeth, and Lord John Russell, in defence of the Government-Division and Majority of one in favour of the Motion-Lord John Russell states the course determined on by the Ministers-He declares their intention to dissolve Parliament at once, without a discussion on the Corn Laws-His proposal respecting the Estimates-Speech of Sir R. Peel-He demands a pledge that the new Parliament shall be convoked at the earliest periodLord John Russell undertakes to this effect-Speeches of Mr. Wakley, Mr. Villiers, Mr. Labouchere, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr. Herries, and Mr. Goulburn—The Estimates are voted without opposition Subsequent proceedings in the House of Commons-Preparations for the Elections-A large number of Bills in progress are abandoned: some others carried-Administration of justice in Chancery Bill-Sir E. Sugden proposes to postpone its operation till the 10th of October-Object of this Motion-Lord John Russell strongly opposes it-It is supported by Sir Robert Peel, and carried by a majority of 18-Lord John Russell throws up the Bill-Remarks of Sir D. Evans on the conduct of the Opposition-Speech of Lord Stanley- Observations of Sir Robert Peel on the transaction Parliament prorogued by the Queen in person, on the 22nd of June -Address of the Speaker to Her Majesty The Queen's SpeechProclamation issued for the Dissolution of Parliament-Review of the Session-General Remarks.

S

IR ROBERT PEEL introduced his resolution of want of confidence in the Government, with a speech of great length, and marked by his usual ability. He commenced by saying, that after the repeated defeats of the Government, indicative of a withdrawal of the confidence of the House, and of their inability to give effect to

measures which they deemed important to the public welfare, and after the Chancellor of the Exchequer's notice, unaccompanied by any explanation, that it was still his intention to proceed with the public business, he felt it was incumbent upon him to bring the question thus at once to issue, and instead of doing so by any side

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