although postponed, could not be altogether avoided, although Signor Crispi studiously kept away from the Chamber. Signor Cavallotti therefore endeavoured to draw something from his colleagues by reminding them (Dec. 15) that just six months previously Baron Blanc, the Foreign Minister, had declared that the "Abyssinian barbarians" had received such severe lessons at Coatit and at Senefé that they would hesitate to make any attack upon General Baratieri. He recalled the precedent of Count Robilant, who, under similar conditions, after the defeat of the Italians at Dogali, had resigned office; and he reproached the present Premier with making an appeal to patriotism as a shield for the Ministry, forgetful of his own attacks upon Signor Depretis on the occasion of that catastrophe. Signor Crispi found it necessary to reply in person to these criticisms, and on the following day (Dec. 16) he attended the sitting of the Chamber. In the course of a very short speech, he managed to make a curious blunder as to the situation of the city of Makalle, where the Italians were being besieged by the Abyssinian troops. A tremendous uproar ensued and continued so long that the President suspended the sitting. This delay was the salvation of the Cabinet, which managed to have the debate adjourned until the Budget Committee should have reported on the credits required for the expedition. The Government had asked only 20,000,000 lire, alleging that this trifling sum would suffice for the campaign, which was to restore Italian prestige in Africa. The sums were, however, voted without debate (Dec. 22), together with an expression of confidence in the intentions of the Government. At the same time the Cabinet had had to make the mortifying sacrifice of two matters to which they attached great importance. They had to abandon the idea of suspending the exceptional laws in force against the Anarchists, and all thought of any expansion in Africa beyond the limits of the Erythrea. In a word, the year closed with a double check, military and political, for Signor Crispi's Administration. In its course it had been less troubled than its predecessor; the State finances were in a more prosperous condition, and although many difficulties still obstructed the path of progress, they were not of a nature to seriously hinder the forward march of a great Power.

CHAPTER II.

I. GERMANY.

THE debates on the Anti-Revolutionary Bill (see "Annual Register," 1894, p. 263) were resumed in the Reichstag after the Christmas holidays, and the bill was violently opposed by the Socialists, both in Parliament and out of it; a great number

of mass meetings assembling to protest against the bill. It was ultimately referred to a committee, which passed the measure (on March 29) with some amendments introduced by the Ultramontanes. When, however, the bill came on for second reading, further amendments were proposed by the Government which imposed such extensive restrictions on freedom of speech and writing that the bill had to be dropped, there being no chance of passing it in the House (May 10). Prince Bismarck made the following characteristic remarks on this occasion to a deputation from the women of Silesia: "I believe that womanly sympathy is a stronger bulwark for our political institutions against social democracy than the anti-revolutionary bills would have been if they had been accepted. I am not sorry that the measures have fallen. If they had been passed they would have aroused in the minds of those from whom we expect a remedy for the evil the conviction that they had done something and that they could rest on their laurels. This conviction would, in my opinion, have been erroneous; and I am glad that they have been deprived of this comfort. There were also numerous provisions in the measures of a doubtful character. I appeal from our Parliament to our women. Help us by influencing the men with whom you come in contact to arm and defend themselves against the dangers of the future with greater courage than that displayed in the anti-revolutionary bills."

The Prussian Budget for the year 1895-6 was introduced in the Diet on January 16. It showed an expenditure of 1,900,000,000 marks, against a revenue of 1,865,000,000 marks, and the Minister of Finance proposed to cover the deficit of 35,000,000 marks by a loan. The Emperor William's birthday was celebrated with the usual ceremonies (Jan. 27), and he announced on this occasion that, in memory of the twenty-fifth anniversary of the foundation of the German Empire, he would erect at his own expense in the "Sieges Allee" at Berlin, "marble statues of the Princes of Brandenburg and Prussia, beginning with the Margrave Albert the Bear, and ending with the Emperor and King William I., and beside each of them the statue of a man especially characteristic of his time, whether soldier, statesman, or citizen."

The depression of agriculture in Germany was the subject which most occupied German politicians throughout the year. The policy favoured by the Agrarian League was that advocated by Count Kanitz, of which the following were the chief points: (1) That the State should buy and sell the foreign grain, flour, and meal destined for consumption in Germany; (2) that the average selling price in Germany from 1850 to 1890 should be fixed as the selling price of grain, and that the price of flour and meal should be determined by the proportion they bear to the unground grain and the said selling price, provided that the buying price is covered thereby; while in the

case of higher buying prices, the selling prices must be proportionally raised; (3) that the profit obtained be spent, so that a part at least equal to the amount of the present grain duty flows into the Imperial Treasury; (4) that steps should be taken for the accumulation of stocks to be used in extraordinary time of need, as, for instance, in the event of war; and (5) that a reserve should be formed when prices are higher at home and abroad, to secure the payment of the above-mentioned annual amount to the Treasury. The Emperor, however, repeatedly expressed his disapproval of this policy, and Prince Bismarck is said to have remarked that if he were a deputy he would vote for it, but as Chancellor he would reject it. In the debate on the Agricultural Budget in the Lower House of the Prussian Parliament on January 29, Baron Hammerstein, the Minister of Agriculture, said that, in his opinion, the political and economic situation of Germany did not allow her to pursue a policy favourable to the interests of commerce alone. He held that the question of a revision of the Treaties of Commerce deserved consideration, though it was impossible to shut one's eyes to the extreme difficulty of the problem. The Imperial Government was at one with the separate States regarding the desirability of gaining the assent of the different Parliaments to measures adapted to preserving agriculture, which was the foundation of the German Empire. The Agrarian party were much disappointed at the Minister's speech, and their disappointment was deepened when he proceeded to say that "State-aid alone could not help them, that the crisis was not a momentary one, and that measures would have to be taken to help, not only a part of the population, but the whole of it." With reference to Count Kanitz's proposal, he thought that a grain monopoly in the hands of the State was not in itself at variance with the Treaties of Commerce, but the other proposals connected with it were. The Council of State would discuss the proposal very carefully. Germany's return to bimetallism, he added, was impossible without England's cooperation. "But people ought not to fall too deep into pessimism. The crisis is very bad, but we shall get

over it."

The Agrarians now started an agitation all over the country in favour of Count Kanitz's proposal, and even threatened to refuse the supplies required for the navy if the Government should not accept it. In March, the Emperor referred the question to the committee of the Federal State Council, which passed a resolution declaring the proposals of Count Kanitz for establishing a State monopoly in cereals to be incompatible with the correct interpretation of the present position of the State in regard to industry and international trade, and irreconcilable with Germany's commercial treaties. On June 10, a deputation from the Agrarian League waited upon Prince Bismarck, who took the opportunity of making the fol

R

lowing attack on the Government and the manufacturing classes :

"Our hands are tied by the Commercial Treaties, which, as honest men, we cannot alter, so long as they are valid. But in order not to be idle, we must consider well what we can do for agriculture without them. There are several so-called little aids to that end in the hands of the Government and the Legislature, in which agriculturists themselves can co-operate. Let us adhere to the principle of the representation of interests. Agriculture is the first-born among industries, and still has a relative majority among German industries, but it is far from having most attention paid to it. It is gentlemen who draw their salary in good weather and in bad, and make no further demand, who prepare our laws in such wise that the provincial agriculturist cannot alter them. Would that we could oppose to bladeless and acreless legislation, the battle cry -For blade and acre, for industry, for all who produce!' We must stand shoulder to shoulder against the drones who govern us, but produce nothing but laws.

"I conclude by asking you to cry-'Long live the Chief Landowner, the Emperor,' who sympathises not merely as a sovereign, but as one of our own flesh and blood, with the sufferings of this large number of his most loyal, and, perhaps, most heavily burdened, subjects. I wish that the noble old way in which, among us at least, a monarch received no money composition from the State, but kept his inherited estates, and thereby remained in touch with the agricultural community, could be revived. I should like to say: 'Give every minister an estate on the proceeds of which he must live, or a share in some industry for the same purpose.' Join with me in three cheers for his Majesty the Emperor, our greatest landed proprietor, and the rightful and sworn protector of agriculture and all other productive industries."

Bimetallism, in Germany as in England, is an object of special interest for the agricultural classes, and on February 15 the Reichstag discussed a motion brought forward by Count Mirbach and his supporters calling upon the Federal Governments to issue invitations for an International Monetary Conference for the rehabilitation of silver as a circulating medium. During the debate on this motion, Count Herbert Bismarck observed that the failure of the Brussels Conference was partly due to the fact that the various participating Powers had not previously arrived at an understanding. On the occasion of the Berlin Congress in 1878, a result had been achieved, because Great Britain and Russia had previously reached a basis of an agreement. An international understanding in the matter of currency would, he declared, be arrived at in the course of time, and this conviction was also gaining ground in England. "It has caused me great pleasure," concluded the Count, "to see how my friend, Mr. Balfour, that active, energetic, and

chivalrous gentleman, has so warmly taken up this cause. I sincerely hope that this motion may redound to the welfare of the Fatherland." The debate concluded with a statement by Prince Hohenlohe, the Chancellor, that he was inclined favourably to consider the proposal for an interchange of views on the subject of international measures for allaying present difficulties in regard to the currency question with those States which were concerned in the value of silver, but no further steps were taken in the matter.

In March, great festivities took place at Friedrichsruhe in celebration of the eightieth birthday of Prince Bismarck. On the Saturday before the celebration the Reichstag, after a noisy debate, rejected a proposal made by Herr von Levetzow, the President, that the House should authorise him to convey its congratulations to Prince Bismarck. 146 members voted in favour of the proposal, and 163 against it. The majority were composed of Ultramontanes, Radicals, Socialists, Poles, and Guelphs. When the numbers were declared the President resigned, and his place was taken by the Vice-President, Baron Buol, who is an Ultramontane. The Emperor then telegraphed to Prince Bismarck his "deepest indignation" at the resolution, which he declared to be "absolutely at variance with the feelings of all the German sovereigns and their peoples. Among the visitors to Friedrichsruhe on this occasion were the Emperor, the Grand Duke of Baden, Prince Henry of Prussia and the young Prince Waldemar, Prince Hohenlohe, the Imperial Chancellor, Herr von Köller, the Home Minister, and 418 members of the Reichstag and the Prussian Landtag. In replying to the congratulations of the deputies the Prince made the following remarks:

"Our dynasties are, thank God, still strong in their roots, each in its own land, and this is especially the case with the great military power which the King of Prussia undoubtedly has the power to place at the service of the national will. That was my endeavour as soon as I, in my capacity as Ambassador in Frankfort, had observed the state of the political situation amongst us in Germany. We are therefore indebted to the old Emperor and to his allies for more than any Minister or Chancellor could possibly have done for us. If the treaties signed by the Federal Governments had not borne their signatures, these treaties would not have existed. If the King had not issued his mobilisation orders in 1866 and 1870, what would have happened? And remember that dynasties have been far more injured by us in the course of history unintentionally, but as the result of passing events, than by any Parliamentary faction in our peaceful times. We fought fiercely with the Bavarians and Saxons, yet as soon as the common need in support of the Empire and the German people arose their help was given to us with the greatest readiness. political differences, all rivalries, and all open or secret intrigues

All