The recess, on the whole, had been marked by unusual dulness, and the meeting of Parliament was anticipated with languid interest. The public seemed heartily tired of politics, and believed that the session was not intended for legislation but for making a cry for the approaching elections. The general impression was that Lord Rosebery's Government would remain in office throughout the year, and that the appeal to the electorate would be deferred until the new register could come into operation. If the Ministry seriously intended to pass any of the numerous measures they deemed so pressing, it was argued that they would have called Parliament together as soon as possible in the New Year; and would have made a careful selection of one or two bills to which the whole session would be given up. This course, however, was not taken, and when at length (Feb. 5) Parliament assembled -the fourth session of the thirteenth Parliament-the Queen's Speech was found to contain half a dozen important and highly contentious measures, besides nearly as many more of so complicated a nature that in no session of ordinary duration could they stand a chance of being even superficially discussed.

The Speech, which was read by Commission, ran as follows:

"MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN,

"My relations with foreign Powers remain on a friendly and satisfactory footing.

"An agreement has been concluded, after protracted negotiations, between my Government and that of the French Republic for the settlement of the frontier between my colony of Sierra Leone and the neighbouring French possessions.

"I regret to say that the war between China and Japan still continues. I have maintained a close and cordial understanding with the Powers interested in those regions, and shall lose no favourable opportunity of promoting a peaceful termination of the contest.

"In consequence of reports which reached my Government of excesses committed by Turkish troops, regular or irregular, on Armenians in a district of Asia Minor, I thought it right, in conjunction with other Powers, to make representations to the Porte. The Sultan has declared his intention of severely punishing any of his officers or soldiers who have been guilty of such acts, and has sent a Commission to conduct an investigation on the spot. Delegates from the Powers which have Consuls at Erzeroum will accompany this Commission.

"GENTLEMEN OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS,—

"The Estimates for the year will be laid before you delay.

without

"MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN,

"I am happy to observe the striking fact that in Ireland offences of all kinds against the law have sunk during the past year to the lowest level hitherto marked in official records.

"Proposals will be submitted to you for remedying defects which experience has brought to light in the working of the Law of Landlord and Tenant in Ireland; and for dealing with certain evicted tenants, whose situation still constitutes a peril to social order.

"A bill will be presented to you dealing with the Church Establishment in Wales.

"Bills will also be laid before you having for their object the popular control of the Liquor Traffic; the abolition of Plural Voting; and provision for the payment of the charges of the Returning Officers at elections.

"The Commission which I issued in 1893 to report on the best means of unifying the government of the Metropolis has presented its Report, and a bill will be laid before you founded on its recommendations.

"I regret that agriculture continues in a seriously depressed condition. This subject is still under the consideration of the Commission which I appointed in the autumn of 1893. In the meantime, a proposal will be submitted to you for facilitating the construction of Light Railways, a measure which will, I trust, be found beneficial to the rural districts.

"Bills will also be presented for the promotion of conciliation in trade disputes, and for the amendment of the Factory Acts.

66

'You will be asked to consider measures for the completion of the system of County Government in Scotland, and for further legislation in respect of the crofter population in that country.

"I pray that the blessing of Almighty God may rest upon your arduous and responsible labours.'

In the House of Lords the debate on the Address was preceded by an unusual incident, the Lord Chancellor, Herschell, claiming the privilege to make a personal statement in regard to "the imputations of misconduct made against him." These charges, which, as was subsequently shown, were wholly unfounded, arose out of the absence of Mr. Justice Vaughan Williams from the Court over which he had presided, and to which important commercial cases, especially those referring to limited liability companies, were referred. It was asserted that the Lord Chancellor, acting under political influence, had transferred Mr. Justice Vaughan Williams to another Court, and that in future such cases would be heard before a judge more considerate of the feelings of political persons who happened to be also directors of public companies in bankruptcy or liquidation. The subject might have passed out of

B

sight as mere malevolent gossip had not one or two specially legal papers commented upon the Chancellor's supposed action, with very imperfect knowledge of the real facts. Lord Herschell had remained silent whilst the controversy had been raging in the newspapers, and had allowed partisan organs to make political capital out of very slender materials. He was, therefore, fully justified in taking advantage of his first public appearance to vindicate his action in regard to the transfer of the hearing of cases under the Winding-up of Companies Act from Mr. Justice Vaughan Williams to Mr. Justice Romer during the absence of the former judge on circuit. "There was just this grain of truth, and this alone, in all the statements that have been made, that the expediency of a more permanent transfer of winding-up cases had been under contemplation. Lord Herschell then went on to complain of the unfounded attacks which had been made upon him by anonymous writers, and emphatically declared that the charge that he had been actuated by any feeling of resentment towards Mr. Justice Vaughan Williams on account of what he had said or done in the New Zealand Loan Company's liquidation, or that he had sought to screen any person in respect to any matter pending in that judge's court, was absolutely and entirely untrue. It had occurred to him that there might be relief to the Queen's Bench Division by assigning companies work to the Chancery Division, and he had had confidential communications. with Mr. Justice Vaughan Williams and Mr. Justice Romer on the subject. Recognising, however, the grave arguments on the other side, he had determined to leave matters as they were. There had been no friction between himself and Mr. Justice Vaughan Williams in regard to the New Zealand Loan Company. It had never been in his mind to remove that class. of business from that judge against his wish. He was desirous as a public man to profit by fair criticism, but he asserted that the imputation of foul motives, to which he had been lately subjected, was not criticism, but slander.

The debate on the Address in answer to the Royal Speech was then opened by two peers of the latest creation, Lord Welby and Lord Battersea, who shortly touched upon the various topics introduced. Lord Salisbury on behalf of the Opposition began by expressing his satisfaction that the lengthy negotiations with France with regard to the Sierra Leone frontier had been brought to a conclusion, but until the treaty was produced it was impossible to say how far the settlement was satisfactory. In view of the promised commission on the alleged Armenian atrocities Lord Salisbury deferred any expression of opinion, but his silence must not be assumed as assenting to the Government policy. Turning next to domestic affairs, he thought it was expecting too much to ask them to believe that the diminution of crime in Ireland could be traced to the mere sunshine of Mr. Morley's presence in that country.

The leaders who had directed Irish agitation in former years evidently held the opinion that so long as Mr. Morley was in office they could get what they wanted without resorting to the machinery used for that end under previous ministers. Lord Salisbury then ridiculed the idea of relieving agricultural distress by imposing fresh burdens in the shape of the cost of light railways, as the panacea for all the ills of agriculture. Coming at last to the one great matter to which there was no reference in the Queen's Speech, Lord Salisbury said that the Prime Minister had a constitutional revolution in his programme, the magnitude of which he had not underrated, but had told them it was the supreme question of the time. Why, then, had he not placed it first on his list? He apparently did not think it worth while mentioning it to Parliament. The Prime Minister had made various speeches on the subject, but nobody could make out from them exactly what he contemplated. As far as one could divine he desired to diminish the power of the House of Lords as regarded the House of Commons. He had met many peers who would reform their lordships' House, but none who would vote for limiting its powers in respect to the other House; and such a proposal would encounter the most determined resistance. Because their majority was trivial, uncertain, and apparently dwindling every day, the Government had addressed themselves to all the questions which divided the community the most; and no better objectlesson could be given to the people of the danger that a single uncontrolled Chamber could bring upon them than the course the Government were now pursuing in trying to force their violent measures through the other House by a system of "logrolling." They were engaged only in sterile contests between class and class and creed and creed, and were neglecting those vital interests of the poorest and most undefended which it was their first and noblest office to promote.

Lord Rosebery, in replying, said he was in hearty accord with Lord Salisbury's general tone on foreign affairs. In regard to Armenia, the Government had acted with the cordial acquiescence of the Great Powers most immediately interested, who, he hoped, would be able to ensure that the Commission of inquiry would elicit the truth. If the alleged excesses were proved to have been actually committed, their warmest sympathy must go out towards their fellow-Christians in Asia Minor. The reduction of crime in Ireland he ascribed partly to Mr. Morley's firm and wise administration and partly to the Irish people's knowledge that the policy of granting a separate Parliament for dealing with Irish affairs consistently with imperial unity remained in the forefront of the Liberal programme. Agricultural depression, he pointed out, at present prevailed all over the civilised world, and he reminded Lord Salisbury that subventions towards local rates had tended in many cases towards increased local expenditure. Moreover,

when the royal commission reported, the Government would not restrict their action to the matter of light railways, but would reserve full freedom to submit to Parliament any other measures which might be deemed expedient. With respect to their policy as to the House of Lords, there was no precedent for intimating in the Speech from the Throne that a resolution would be introduced in the other House; and if the Government had advised the Queen to make such an intimation the noble lord would have censured them still more severely than he had done that evening. In the speeches he had himself made in the country he could not admit that there was either inconsistency or vacillation. From first to last he had said that the relations of that House to the other House, and its position as regarded one of the great parties in the State, constituted a grave danger to the country, and that the constitutional method of dealing with that situation was by a resolution in the other House, which it was not necessary or even expedient to introduce at once, because such a resolution must almost necessarily be followed by a dissolution, for which he saw no immediate necessity. He emphatically denied that Lord Salisbury was justified in treating the bills of the Government as mere acts in a drama and as not seriously intended. They were proposed as an honest and honourable fulfilment of the pledges they had given while in opposition, and, although their majority was small, and was made up of various sections whom Lord Salisbury thought unworthy of consideration, as long as they possessed it they meant to use it for redeeming those pledges.

The Duke of Devonshire observed that the speech of the Prime Minister would be scanned by the country in vain for some indication of the nature of the proposal which was intended to be made in regard to the relations of the two Houses. In his view too much notice and too much information could not be given to the people who would have to pronounce a judgment on the issue, which the Prime Minister had himself described as tremendous and momentous. The Government might, however, rest assured that, whenever or however that measure was brought forward, no apprehension or misgiving need be felt by that House as to an attack which was being conducted with so much doubt and vacillation as was being shown in that case.

The Address was then agreed to nem. con., and was ordered to be presented to her Majesty by the Lords with White Staves. In the House of Commons a similar result was attained, but not until nine evenings had been devoted to several more or less futile amendments, many of which received the support of the front Opposition bench, although when in office they had protested against the waste of time such tactics involved. To retard legislation was, however, at this moment the most distinct feature of the Unionist policy, although on more