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of instinct of self-preservation. The favourite who, without the title of king, had exercised all the functions of royalty, and who favoured the scheme of emigration, in the hope of withdrawing himself, and some portion, at least, of his enormous treasures from the vengeance of an oppressed and outraged people, was thrown into prison. Scarcely had this tempestuous scene taken place, when the royal parents, finding themselves deprived of the support of their favourite, the prince of peace, took the unexpected resolution which, according to Cevallos, they had for some time entertained, of abdicating their throne: which they accordingly did in favour of their son and heir the prince of Asfurias*. Buonaparte, ignorant of this sudden event, and, perhaps, never supposing that the Spaniards were capable of such resolution, had ordered his brother in law, styled by him prince Murat, grand duke of Berg, to advance with his army towards Madrid, under the

idea, that the royal family were already on the coast ready to embark; and that, far from meeting the slighetest obstacle on the part of the people, they would receive him with open arms as their deliver and guardian angel. He conceived that the nation was in the highest degree dissatisfied with their government, not reflecting that they were only dissatisfied with the abuses that had crept into the administration of it.

The instant that the grand duke of Berg was apprized of the occurrences at Aranjuez, he advanced with his whole army to occupy the capital of the kingdom: intending, no doubt, to profit by the occasion, and to take such steps as should seem, best calculated to realize the plan of making himself master of Spain.

Meanwhile the mysterious obscurity of Buonaparte's projects, the proximity of his troops, and the ignorance in which Ferdinand VII. was of the real object of Buonaparte's approach, as was given


According to a French newspaper, (and it is to be recollected that no newspaper is published in France not correspondent to the ideas and views of Bnonaparte) one party in Spain accused the prince of peace of entering into a project with the queen herself, with whom he was universally believed to be a very particular and most intimate favourite, for the ruin of her son, the heir apparent, under the pretence of his having engaged in a plot for the dethronement of his father. The prince of Asturias, it was added, had been drawn into this conspiracy by the suggestions of his princess, his own cousin, a daughter of the king of the Two Sicilies, by a sister of the ill-fated Maria Antoinette of France. This princess, feeling the degraded situation in which her husband was held through the influence of the favourite Godoy over the sovereign, took, it was said, little pains to suppress her sentiments on the subject. Her aversion to the French nation cannot be a matter of surprize, when we reflect on the indignities and miseries brought by them on her parents, and many other near relatives at Paris, at Milan, and at Florence. The queen could, besides, discover in the princess of Asturias, only a rising rival and a future mistress, of whose sentiments respecting her own conduct, public and private, she probably was not ignorant. Whatever may have been the cause, it is known that the queen and the princess had been for some time on no very amiable terms; so that when this young princess was snatched away by death in her early years, persons were not wanting to surmise that she had fallen a sacrifice to the arts of the queen, the favourite, and the French partizans at Madrid.

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One of the contrivances to which the French agent had immediate recourse, was, to assure the king, and to spread the rumour in all quarters, that his imperial majesty's arrival in Madrid might be expect ed every moment. Under this impression, the necessary orders were given for preparing apartments in the palace, suitable to the dignity of so august a guest. And the king wrote again to the emperor how agreeable it would be to him to be personally acquainted with his majesty, and to assure him with his own lips, of his ardent desire to strengthen more and more the alliance which subsisted between the two sovereigns.

The grand duke of Berg had, in

the mean time, entered Madrid at the head of his troops, and begun, without a moment's delay, to sow the seeds of discord. He spoke in a mysterious manner of the abdication of the crown, executed amidst the tumults of Aranjuez, and gave it to be understood, that until the emperor acknowledged Ferdinand VII. it was impossible for him to take any step that should appear like an acknowledgment, and that he was under a necessity of treating only with the royal father. This pretext did not fail to produce the effect which the grand duke intended. The royal parents, the moment they were informed of this circumstance, availed themselves of it to save the favourite, who remained in confinement; and in whose favour Murat professed to take an interest, for the sole purpose of flattering their majesties *, mortifying Ferdinand, and leaving fresh matter of discord between the parents and the son. In this state of things, the new king made his public entry into Madrid, without any other parade than the most numerous concourse of the capital and its environs, the strongest expressions of love and loyalty, and acclamations which sprung from the joy and enthusiasm of his subjects--a scéne, says O Cevallos (whom, with some abridgment, in [K 3] this

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A letter from the queen to the grand duke of Berg, imploring his intervention for preserving the life of Godoy, and breathing all the fond attachment and anxiety of an amorous old woman, will be seen in Appendix to the Chronicle, p. 240.

+ Exposition of the practices and machinations which led to the usurpation of the crown of Spain, and the means adopted by the emperor of the French to carry it into execution, by Don Pedro Cevallos, first secretary of state, and dispatches to his catholic majesty, Ferdinand VII. There is not a little reason to suspect Cevallos of a versatility of character. After serving Charles IV. under the prince of the peace, he went into the service of Ferdinand, when Buonaparte appeared to favour that young prince. He accompanied his new master to Bayonne. He was there appointed to negotiate with the French agent,, when Ferdinand was desired to resign


this part of our annals we follow) truly grand and impressive, in which the young king was seen like a father in the midst of his children, entering his capital, as the regenerator and guardian of the monarchy. Of this scene the grand duke of Berg was a witness: but far from abandoning his plan, he resolved to persevere in it with greater ardour. The experiment upon the royal parents produced the desired effect. But whilst Ferdinand, the idol of the nation, was present, it was impossible to carry the plan into execution. It was therefore necessary to make every effort to remove this prince from Madrid. To accomplish this object, the grand duke was extremely assiduous in spreading reports of the arrival of a fresh courier from Paris, and that the emperor might be expected speedily to arrive in the Spanish capital. He set, himself, in the first place, to

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induce the infant Don Carlos, to set out to receive his imperial najesty Napoleon, on the supposition that his royal highness must meet him before he should have proceeded two days on his journey. His majesty, Ferdinand, acceded to the proposal. The grand duke had no sooner succeeded in procuring. the departure of Don Carlos, than he manifested the most anxious desire that the king should do the same, leaving no means untried to persuade his majesty to take this step, assuring him that it would be attended by the happiest consequences to the king and the whole kingdom. T

At the same time that the grand duke of Berg, the French ambassaidor, and all the other agents of France, were proceeding in this course, they were, on the other hand, busily employed with the royal parents to procure from them a formal

his crown on certain conditions. But according to his own statement, being found too inflexible a counsellor, he was dismissed with much insolence from the French government. Nevertheless, when Joseph was nominated king, he went with him to Madrid, in the capacity of his prime minister. Then finding that the national tide of Spain flowed with a strong, and, as he thought, with an irresistible current, connter to the usurper, he returned immediately to the service of his former master. We therefore entirely agree in opinion with a writer in the Edinburgh Review, that with regard to Cevallos himself, it is not enough to say, that after all his pretended protestations against the principled violence and insulting usurpation of the French count, he was asked to accept of the place of first minister to king Joseph Napoleon, and that he accepted of that offer. There is no honest man to whem his own statement of these two leading facts will not be quite satisfactory, and perfectly conciasive, as to the personal character of Don Pedro Cevallos." Yet we cannot withhold, any more than this reviewer, "our belief from the story he tells of the insolence and the outrageons usurpations of Buonaparte. It bears upon it the intrinsic character of truth. It corresponds exactly, not only with the general character of the persons represented but with the visible exterior of the transaction it professes to detail barefaced and unblushing falsehood, and open ferocious violence.”— Edinburgh Review, October 1808, p. 217... The scattered fragments tally with one another, so as to form a regular edifice. It would not be credible of any one but of Buonaparte, of whom it has been said, that he "unites the impetuosity of the French, the treacherous, subtlety of the modern Italian, and the ferocious and sanguinary temper of the Corsican. The circumstances mentioned would scarcely have been introduced into a fictitious narrative, aiming, like other fictions, at credibility by a conformity to what is generally known of human nature.-Inhumana erudelitas perfidia plus quam punica. Besides, the facts of any importance in the narrative of Cevallos, are too recent and notorious to be disputed.

a formal protest against the abdication of the crown. His majesty, Ferdinand VII. being incessantly urged to go to meet the French emperor, painfully hesitated between the necessity of performing an act of courtesy, which he was asured would be attended with such advantageous results, and his reluctance to abandon his loyal and beloved people in such critical circumstances. Cevallos declares, that in this embarrassing situation, his constant opinion, as the king's minister, was, that his majesty should not leave his capital until he should have received certain information that the emperor had actually arrived in Spain, and was on his way and near to Madrid; and that even then he should only proceed to a distance so short as not to render it necessary to sleep one night out of bis capital. His majesty persisted for some days in the resolution of not quitting Madrid, until he should receive certain advice of Napoleon's approach. And he would have probably continued in that determination, had not the arrival of general Savary added greater weight to the reiterated solicitations of the grand duke, and the ambassador Beauharnois. General Savary was aunounced as the envoy from the emperor, and in that capacity he demanded an audience from the king, which was immediately granted. Savary professed that he was sent by the emperor merely t› compliment his majesty, and to know whether his sentiments with respect to France were conformable to

those of the king his father; in which case the emperor would forego all considerations of what had passed, in no degrec interfere in the internal concerns of the kingdom, and immediately recognize his majesty as king of Spain and the Indies. The most satisfactory answer was given to general Savary, and the conversation was continued in terms so flattering, that nothing more could have been desired. The audience terminated with an assurauce, on the part of Savary, that the emperor had already left Paris, that he was near Bayonne, and on. his way to Madrid.

Scarcely had general Savary leftthe audience chamber, when he began to make the most urgent applications to the king to meet the emperor, assuring him that this attention would be very grateful and flattering to his imperial majesty. And he affirmed so repeatedly, and in such positive terms, that the emperor's arrival might be expected every moment, that it was impossible, Cevallos observes*, not to give credit to his assertions. The king at length yielded. The day appointed for his departure arrived. General Savary, affecting the most zealous and assiduous attention to his majesty, solicited the honour of accompanying him on his journey, which, at the farthest, according to the information which he had just received of the emperor's approach, could not extend beyond Burgos.

The king, during his absence, supposed to be only for a few days, left at Madrid a supreme juntat of [K 4] government,

From this anxious repetition of solemn assurances, a man acquainted with courts, the world, and human nature, might have been apt to draw a contrary con elusion.

+ An assembly or board of commissioners.

government, consisting of the secretaries of state, usually five in number, the president of which was his uncle, the infant Don Antonio.General Savary, in a separate carriage, followed the king to Burgos. But the emperor hot having arrived there, the king, urged by the earnest and pressing entreaties of general Savary, proceeded to Vittoria. The general, convinced that his majesty had resolved to proceed no farther, continued his journey to Bayonne, with the intention, no doubt, of acquainting the emperor of all that had passed, and of procuring a letter from him, which should determine the king to separate himself from his people At Vittoria, his majesty received information that Napoleon had arrived at Bourdeaux, and was on his way to Bayonne, where, in fact, he arrived with his spouse, on the 15th of April. While the French troops were making suspicious movements in the neighbourhood of Vittoria, general Savary made his appearance in that city, with a letter to Ferdinand, from the emperor of the French, dated at Bayonne, April 16th. To the contents of this letter, general Savary added so many and such vehement protestations of the interest which the emperor took in the welfare of his majesty and of Spain, that he even went so far as to say, I will suf fer my head to be cut off, if, within a quarter of an hour after your majesty's arrival at Bayonne, the emperor shall not have recognized you as king of Spain and the Indies.

To support his own consistency, he will probably begin by giving you the title of highness, but in five minutes he will give you that of majesty, and in three days every thing will be settled, and your majesty may return to Spain immediately." The king, after some hesitation, determined to proceed to Bayonne +.


Scarcely had the king of Spain set foot on the French territory, when he remarked, that no one came to receive him, until on his arrival at St. Jean de Luz, the mayor, attended by the municipality, made his appearance. carriage stopped, and the mayor addressed his majesty in the most lively expressions of joy, at having the honour of being the first to receive a king, who was the friend and ally of France. Soon after he was met by the deputation of three grandees, who had been sent off by Ferdinand before to meet the French emperor; and their representation, with respect to the intentions of Napoleon, were not of the most flattering nature. He was now, however, too near Bayonne to think of changing his course ; wherefore he continued his journey. There came out to meet the king, the prince of Neufchatel, and Duroc, marshal of the palace, with a detachment of the guard of honour, which the citizens of Bayonne had formed to attend his majesty Napoleon, and they invited his majesty to enter Bayonne, where a place had been prepared for his residence ; which he did on the 20th of April.


* See this letter in appendix to Chronicle, p. 227. + The style of this protestation, which is that of a low bred Ruffian, strongly marks the contrast between the court of France under the Bourbons, and under the sanguinary Usurper.,

# Cevallos does not fail to assert here, that this fatal step was taken by his ma. jesty contrary to his counsels, and those of other persons in his train, as we!! to the supplications of the loyal city of Vittoria.

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