tainable by its exertions, a patriotic to reward past services either ministry would not, in such circumstances, hastily embark in extensive plans of reform, when success was hopeless, miscarriage ruinous and destructive. But, if the public should be disappointed on these important subjects, and shocked with any appearance of tergiversation or even of delay in the conduct of its favourites, it required no great sagacity to foresee, that the current of popular opinion, now SO strong in favour of opposition, would change with proportional violence to an opposite direction. Influenced by such considerations, and deterred by the state of his party from adopting any hazardous resolution, lord Hawkesbury, after consulting with his friends, declined to take upon himself the government of the country. His refusal, when made known to the public, communicated universal satisfaction, and men were disposed to give him edit for forbearance and self denial as well as for prudence, till they were informed, that he had obtained for himself a grant of the wardenship of the Cinque-Ports, and had procured the warrant, conferring on him that lucrative ap. pointment, to be passed with unusual expedition through the public offices, as if he were afraid that it might be stopped and the propriety of the grant questioned by his successor. Such haste on his part, the public allowed, was not unwise, for much might have been urged against the grant of this sinecure to a person in lord Hawkesbury's situation. Sinecure places of emolument, it was said, could be justified on no other principle, than as enabling govern ment to supply the deficiency of salary in places of real business, or the person of him who perform Was one large sinecure so adequate a recompence for his vices, that another and a greater must be added to it? His father was true, had been in office dur the greater part of his life, but du the same period he had risen f the condition of a private gentler with a moderate income, to a sp did fortune and a peerage. noble lord himself had been bro forward at an early period of lif the public service, and had ever si enjoyed high and lucrative situat under the crown. At the age thirty he had been secretary state for foreign affairs, and tho removed from that office on account of the unpopularity of his administration, he had been recompensed for his loss with the seals of the home department. Whatever view was taken by the public of his past fe and services, no reason could be found for conferring on him so disEnguished a mark of the royal faer. Was it said in justification of this transaction, that the ministers going out of office were under no obligation to consult the interest of their successors; and that in a party view, taking party in its most grovelling acceptation as a mere scramble for places and emolu ents, it was unreasonable to expet, they should leave so lucrative appointment to their opponents? It might be answered, that not only did this plea ill accord with the di-interested professions of the old ministers, and with their declarations, that they had no thoughts of engaging in opposition, nor intention of barassing or disturbing any goTernment his majesty might appoint; bat why, in that case, not give the appointment to lord Eldon, by which means his pension might have been saved to the public, or to lord Chatham, whose moderate fortune required some addition to his income, and whose near relationship, to the late minister gave him a claim to some remuneration from the pablic, as the representative of his brother, whose life and talents had been devoted to its service? The wardenship of the Cinque- his majesty, they asked, have Ports having been in this manner changed in so short a time the opidisposed of, and every attempt to nion which he was then said to form an administration from the have entertained of Mr. Fox, as Freck of the late ministry hav- from his gracious answer to lord ing proved unsuccessful, his majesty Grenville it was most natural to atlength advised to call in the infer? But, in that case, what istance of lord Grenville. A were the causes, to which so great C 3 message was conveyed to his lordship on the 26th of January, by lord Dartmouth, desiring his attendance at Buckingham House on the following day. Lord Grenville having obeyed the summons, was graciously informed by his majesty, that he had been sent for, to consult with about the formation of a new ministry; to which he is said to have replied, with proper acknowledgments for so distinguished a mark of his majesty's confidence, that his majesty was already in possession of his sentiments on that subject; he was convinced, that an administration, to be of any effec tual service to the country, must not be formed on an exclusive principle, but must comprehend all the leading men of the country. His majesty having graciously replied, that it was his wish to have lord Grenville's opinion, who ought to be included in such administration, his lordship is said to have answered, that he felt it his duty thus early in the business to apprize his majesty, that the person he should consult with on the subject was Mr. Fox. "I thought so and I meant it so," is said to have been his majesty's most gracious reply. Many were the reflections and conjectures to which this answer gave rise. They who recollected the result of a similar audience in 1801, could not conceal their sur prize and wonder at so different a conclusion to the present. Could and and sudden a change of opinion an administration, would in their could reasonably be attributed? Was not the difference of result, in the last audience, rather to be ascribed to the difference of charac. ter in the negotiator, than to any change of sentiment in the royal breast? Was it not owing to the known firmness and honour of lord Grenville's character, that his majesy was advised to make so gracious an answer, without first attempting, what was known to be impracticable, to detach him from Mr. Fox? Was it not, therefore, owing to the greater flexibility of character of the person his majesty had to deal with in 1804, that the, public expectations were at that time disappointed? Or, was it true, as some persons have insinuated, that the result of that celebrated audience was privately settled, before the ostensible negotiator entered the closet, by the mediation of a noble lord, whose station gave him access to the royal ear, and who was suspected of having recently availed himself of that advantage against a minister by whom he was trusted? These are points on which as we cannot form, so we presume not to offer an opinion. Such were the surmizes and conjectures current in the political world at the period of which we treat. It is our duty to repeat them, and to leave to future historians the task of disengaging the truth from falsehood, and of clearing up what is at present obscure in these transactions. It was now the business of lord Grenville and Mr. Fox to prepare the plan of an administration, which they could recommend to their sovereign, as adequate to the present exigencies and expectations of the country. The basis of such 2 hands, it was obvious, consist of what were called the new and the old opposition. The new opposition, which looked to lord Grenville as its leader, was composed of the whig families, (with the exception of the house of Bentinck) which had separated from Mr. Fox at the beginning of the revolutionary war, in order to support the measures adopted by government at that critical period, together with the personal friends and family connexions of lord Grenville, and many persons of rank and talent throughout the kingdom, who from confidence in the abilities and integrity of that nobleman, had attached themselves to his party. The old opposition consisting of those whigs, who, undismayed by the French revolution, had stood by Mr. Fox in his opposition to the late war, and had remained steadily attached with him, to what they conceived to be the true principles of liberty, during the whole of that eventful period. To this part of opposition also belonged the friends of the late marquis of Lansdowne, and the greater part of those, who in the late war had been the advocates of peace and reform. With this branch also of opposition may be classed the persons more particularly connected with Carlton House, the politics of which were at this period in the most perfect unison with the opinions of Mr. Fox. Of the two branches of opposition, the old was the most popular with the great body of the nation; the new had most the confidence of men of rank and property. But the united strength of both did not exceed 150 members in the house of commons, a number, which though perfectly sufficient the friends of lord Sidmouth were many excellent men of business, qualified for the subordinate employments of government, and not prevented from accepting them, by having filled higher situations. The ex-ministers were the authors of the late calamitous coalition, which had sealed the final doom of the continent, and if they were pledged to any public principle, it was to resist every inquiry into domestic abuses. But, lord Sidmouth had 、 been dismissed from office by these very men, because his friends would not support them in their attempts to screen lord Melville from public trial, and it was to the inquiries set on foot in his lordship's administration, that all the discoveries of peculation were justly to be attri suficient for undertaking the government of this country, when accompanied by the cordial support of the crown, is far from being equal to that service, when destitute of this advantage. To have become responsible for the administration of public affairs, with such inadequate means for carrying their mea. sares into effect, would have argued extreme rashness and precipitaney on the part of Mr. Fox and lord Grenville, and would have been, in fact, to have delivered themselves up, bound hand and foot, into the power of thec ourt, without reserving the means of future resistance or defence. It was, therefore, highly expedient, if not absolutely necessary for them, to look out for some third party, by the assistance of which they might streng-buted. then their government in the house of commons. But, the only quarters from which additional strength could be procured, were either from the late ministers or from the friends of lord Sidmouth. Many reasons concurred for giving a preference to the latter. The friends of the late ministers were so dispersed and disunited, that without bringing back the whole party to oce, little aid could be expected from them, as no individual among their leaders had any number of followers, on whose attachment he could certainly reckon. The friends of lord Sidmouth, on the contrary, were united under a single head, and would form no inconsiderable acces sion of strength to the administration. The late ministers had, with the single exception of one man of talents, been raised to situations above their deserts, and would not, it was supposed, be inclined to accept of inferior offices. But, among ex. The government of lord Sidmouth had been frugal and economical. That of the late ministers had been distinguished by its prodigality and immoderate expence. Lord Sidmouth was favourably disposed towards peace. The ex-ministers breathed a spirit of eternal war. The popularity of lord Sidmouth in the country, though greatly lessened, was still considerable. His influence at court was not tinguished; though, we believe, that his present accession to the administration of Mr. Fox and lord Grenville gave a most fatal blow to his interest in that quarter. In ad. dition to all these reasons for preferring a connection with lord Sidmouth to a coalition with the ex-minis ers, it was understood, that the introduction of lord Sidmouth into the cabinet was a measure not unacceptable at Carlton House. The most specious objection to the admission of lord Sidmouth into the ministry, was founded on the C4 opinions opinions he was known to entertain of the catholic claims; and if there had been any intention of bringing that subject into immediate discussion, or any probability of being able to bring it forward in parliament as a ministerial question, there can be no doubt that the objection would have been conclusive. But, unfortunately, lord Sidmouth was not singular in his opinions upon that matter. His majesty's objections to any further concession to his catholic subjects were unabated, and as they were founded on scru ples of a religious nature, they were considered by those who best knew his character, to be wholly insurmountable. But, while his majesty's scruples remained in force, it seemed to be, and was in fact, of little importance what part lord Sidmouth was disposed to take in the question, should it happen ever to come into discussion while he was in office. The real point to be considered, was, not whether Mr. Fox and lord Grenville ought to take lord Sidmouth into their adminis. tration, knowing his opinion of the catholic claims to be diametrically opposite to theirs, but whether they ought to come into office at all, without some express stipulation with their sovereign for redress of grievances to the catholics. In other words, when they foresaw that it would be impossible for them, by going into office, to carry the question of catholic emancipation, ought they not to have continued in opposition? The determination of this as of most other points of practical wisdom, where a balance must be struck between opposite inconveniences, ought to depend, in a great degree, on the collateral cirenmstances of the moment. It was clear, that lord Grenville and Mr. Fox had better remain out of office, than forfeit the confidence of the catholics, and leave that numerous and powerful body, full of indignation and resentment against all parties in England, to fall a prey to the arts and machinations of France. No good that could possibly result from their administration, would compensate so great an injury to their country. But, if the catholics were willing to postpone the discussion of their claims to another season, and disposed not to petition again the same parliament, which had so recently refused to hearken to their complaints, was it necessary for Mr. Fox and lord Grenville to stand out upon a question, which they knew it was impossible for them at that moment to carry, and which those most deeply interested in its success were ready to defer till a more favourable opportunity? Important as they judged catholic emancipation to the welfare and safety of the state, was there no other service they could perform to their country? Was it not worth trying, whether peace was unattainable? Experience had shown that every effort to reduce the power of France upon the continent, had endedin'her further aggrandisement, and that the continuance of the war served only to increase the danger and difficulty of peace. A greater good could not be rendered to England and to the world, than the restoration of general tranquillity, and preservation of peace, though for a few years only. Was the probable chance of being able to confer so great a blessing on mankind, to be lightly, or without the most urgent necessity, thrown away? If complete emancipation could not be procured |