sirous than I am, to bury in oblivion the remembrance of those contests in which we were so long enaged. This I shewed plainly enough while he was alive. But I not consent to confer public honors, on the ground of his being an excellent statesman," on the man, who, in my opinion, was the sole, certainly the chief supporter of a system, which I had been early taught to consider as a Bad one."

ble gentleman reprobated the idea,
as inconsistent with wisdom and
justice. But, if the character of
Mr. Pitt were to be tried by that
rule, where were we to look among
the great men of ancient or modern
times, for any who had stronger
claims to the gratitude and respect
of their country, than those which
could be advanced in favour of that
illustrious personage. When the
revolutionary spirit had convulsed
France, aud alarmed the whole ci-
vilized world, that distinguished
statesman completely succeeded, by
the vigour and sagacity of his mea-
sures, in preventing that dreadful
plague from reaching us. This was
the main source of his distinction—
this was the great pedestal of his
fame."

Lord Castlereagh said, in reply Mr. Fox, that upon the arguments of that honourable gentle, in opposition to this motion, it was not his intention to reason. This, in fact, was not a question to be determined by argument, it was quite a question of feeling. The acquiescence of that house and the country, in such a proposition, was more to be looked for from intuitive feeling than from cold reason; and if that feeling did not exist, it Was vain to think of arguing men to it. But, although the support of the honourable gentlemen on the other side was not to be calculated apon, he had no doubt that the motion would be adopted. Indeed, be felt confident that it would. The bouse would act inconsistently with

1

The opposition of Mr. Windham to this motion, whatever opinion men may entertain of the soundness of his argument, must appear to all a striking illustration of the manli

ness and firmness of his character.

Disapproving of the motion, he could not bring himself to give a silent vote upon it, or to absent himself from the debate, though perfectly aware, that the part he felt it his duty to take in the discussion, would give, as it did, the opinion, repeatedly ex- greatest possible offence to all the pressed, if it hesitated to recognize personal friends, and to many of the merit-if it declined to distin- the political admirers of Mr. Pitt.

its own

and

guish the memory of Mr. Pitt." The speech of Mr. Fox was feeling Mr. Wilberforce rose "to bear and conciliatory, and though he testimony to the great public virtues, opposed the motion on the same splendid talents of Mr. Pitt, in grounds with Mr. Windham, he had whom he declared the love of coun- the good fortune to incur no part try was to be found as sincere and of the obloquy from the friends ardent as ever yet existed in any of the late minister, that fell, most haman bosom. With regard to the unjustly, on the latter for his conassertion, that success was a proper duct on this occasion.

criterion by which to appreciate the

A few days after Mr. Lascelles'

merit of a great man, the honoura. motion, Mr. Cartwright moved,

(Feb

CHAP. II.

State of the Ministry on Mr. Pitt's Death-Lord Hawkesbury refuses to un dertake the Government, but accepts the Cinque-Ports-Lord Grenville has Audience of his Ainjesty-Reflections on the result of it-Component Parts of the New Administration-New Opposition-Old OppositionLord Sidmouth's Party-The Catholic Question-Lord Grenville has a rend Audience of his Majesty-Difficulty started about the ArmyThird Audience-New Administration finally settled-New Cabinet-Mr. Foz declines being first Lord of the Treasury-Auditorship of the Exchequer Bill-Debates on the Lord Chief Justice being appointed to Seat in the Cabinet-Disposition of the Court and Country towards the New Ministry-Opposition of the Ex-ministers--Imperfect Union of the Parties composing the New Ministry-Reflections on the Coalition be teen Lord Grenville and Mr. Fox.

was doubtful, if Mr. Pitt had little weight or consideration in the lived, whether the administration country. Small account was made of Ter which he presided, could have their talents er experience, and gone on, without some radical since the affair of lord Melville, the change in its composition, or some reputation in which they stood for material addition to its strength. integrity was far from being clear. The principle of exclusion, on which If they were not peculators themhad been originally founded, was selves, they were regarded by the dous and unpopular, and the late public as abettors and defenders of misfortunes on the continent, had peculation. If they had not venturdased a very general opinion over ed openly to justify that offence,

change was

e country, that some essential necessary in the con. Cact of our foreign affairs, in order to extricate us from the unprece tented difficulties in which we were ored. But, whatever might are happened if Mr. Pitt had surred, his death at so critical a Juncture, was considered as a virtal dissolution of the administra. n. His colleagues were men of VOL, XLVIII.

they had endeavoured to extenuate its guilt, and to screen from punishment those accused of it. But, besides the want of public confidence in these ministers, they were disunited and without a head. As they were connected together by no pub lic principle, or party attachment, no sooner had the death of their patron dissolved the only tie that united them, than symptoms of disunion

ci

and

and disagreement appeared amongst
them. Many respectable indivi-
duals broke off from them entirely,
and went over to the opposition.
Old jealousies and animosities re-
vived between their leaders, which
they had suppressed in Mr Pitt's
life time but not extinguished. The
general good of their party was sa
crificed to the private interests and
resentments of individuals. Instead
of keeping together and acting in a
body, they split into factious, which
regarded one another with aversion
and distrust, and took their mea-
sures separately, without concert or
cooperation. So little were they
actuated by party principle, or dis-
posed to make common cause with
one another, that every little fac-
tion, into which they were divided,
was ready to conclude a separate
bargain for itself, and to accept of
office under any administration
without a stipulation for its asso-
ciates. It contributed not a little
to this disunion and dispersion
of their party, that while many com-
petitors appeared for the place of
leader, there was no person be-
longing to the party, so pre-eminent
for his station or abilities, as to be
raised by general consent to that dis-
tinguished situation. But, without
a leader capable of inspiring confi-
dence, and of maintaining a due com-
munication between the members of
the party, it was obviously impos-
sible they should long act together
in concert. In circumstances so dis-
couraging and so unpromising of suc-
cess, it is
not wonderful, that
the surviving members of Mr. Pitt's
administraion resigned to their op-
ponents the reins of government
without a struggle, and even refused
to take charge of them when press-
ed to it by the court.

But, though the ministers were disposed to give way to the general cry of the nation; for an administration on a comprehensive basis, including all the men of the greatest talents, character and experience in the country, the court was steady to its principle of governing by the strict letter of the prerogative, and of resisting with firmness the inva sions of party on what it considered its indubitable rights. To secur to the crown the free and uncon troled nomination of the ministers of the country, and to defeat the at tempts of opposition to exercis through parliament an indirect ne gative on its choice of the person employed in the administration o public affairs, had been objects pur sued by the court with equal perse verance and ability, during th whole of the present reign. Thoug obliged on some occasions to yield and consult the wishes of parlia ment and of the nation, in the selec tion of its ministers, yet by dex trously availing itself of the mis takes and jealousies of public men and by seizing on favourable op portunities for trying its strength of the question, its efforts had been, i general, successful. The groun which at one time it lost, it neve failed to recover at some future pe riod, and at length it had establishe a prevailing opinion in the nation that in the exercise of this, the mos important of its prerogatives, th crown ought to be absolute, an without control. The last victor which it had gained on this subject was in 1804, when by detaching on of the parties in opposition from the others, it broke the strength and disappointed the expectation of those to whom it was most hos tile, and extricated itself from

every difficulty by the sacrifice struggle on the part of the crown of a small part only of its friends, than any period that had occurred a sacriice which it thought since the end of the American war. amply compensated by the defeat The country was alarmed with the and disappointment of its enemies. dangers of its situation, disgusted Bat, it too clearly foresaw, that to with the juggle practised on it in make overtures, on the present oc- 1804, and clamorous against a casion, to the leaders of opposition, patched up administration, composfor their advice in forming a new ed of subalterns and clerks. Great administration, was to relinquish the and immediate advantages were advantages of the victory it had at universally expected from a change that time gained; and perilous as of system and union of parties. To was the state of the country, it de- frustrate these expectations by an termined to embark in a contest obstinate resistance to the wishes of with opposition, rather than give the people was a hazardous attempt, up a point, which it esteemed of while to comply with their inclinasuch importance to its dignity and tions and gratify them with such a interest. An offer was therefore change of ministry as they unanimade to lord Hawkesbury of the mously called for, was sure to conofres and situation vacant by the ciliate their affections. Nor could death of Mr. Pitt. This dazzling it escape an attentive observer of proposition, flattering as it was, the usual course of popular opinion, deprived not the noble secretary that the most effectual expedient of his habitual prudence. Fully for destroying the influence and sensible of the value of the gift, but popularity of opposition was to inaware also of the difficulties and re- vest them, for a short time, with the sponsibility attached to it, he re- insignia of power. To fulfil the quested to have some time for deli- expectations of the public by resberation. Had the circumstances toring the country to its former of the moment been less unfavour- eminence abroad, the court well able, he would probably have caught knew, in the present posture of with eagerness at the high situation affairs on the continent, was utterly proposed to him; and, had he ac- impracticable. Such reforms as cepted of it, such is the prodigious were expected from the past laninfuence of the crown, when exert- guage and declarations of opposition, el in good earnest, and managed it could easily frustrate and pre with ability, that, unless he had vent, without any visible interfalien a victim to unfounded fears, or ference. For, without the cordial a sacrifice to antiquated scruples, or support of the crown, or such an suffered from the treachery of some ebullition of zeal on the part of the associate, who had access to the people, as it would be neither rea、 royal ear, he could hardly have sonable to expect nor prudent to failed to maintain himself in his excite, no ministry could succeed post against all the efforts of oppo- in the herculean task of reforming sition, however numerous, respect- abuses, unless by steps the most able and popular. But the present slow and gradual; and, while more time was less favourable for such a pressing objects, of no less intrinsic importance to the country, were atC 2

tainable