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alliance could

nion, that if an be formed with Russia, Austria, Prussia, and the other powers of the continent, which might gain their good will, without attempting to rouze them, before their own interests, in their own view of them, would call for their exertions, such an alliance would afford hopes, that we might obtain reasonable terms of peace? but, who had objected to the ministerial phrase of rousing Europe to exertion, because the attempt to do so had the effect of producing a disinclination to cp. operate with us; and who had argued against the project of instigating the powers of the continent to a renewal of hostilities, whilst they wished to remain at peace, because it would alienate from us the affections of Europe, where, what ever we might say of our disinter. edness, our forbearance and moderation, a different opinion was entertained of us, and the character of our government was, that it was actuated by selfish motives in instigating the powers of the continent to war for British interests? Was it to be expected, that they who had foretold the disasters of a coalition, formed of such materials, and under such circumstances as the late coalition, would remain silent, when the most gloomy of their predictions were thus fatally verified? Austria, as foretold in the last session of parliament, had, after the most serious disasters, wisely chosen to abandon her allies, rather than hold out to the last at the risk of her destruction. were now our hopes of continental

What

connection? what of the liberties Europe? what of the prospect o setting limits to the power of France justly and rationally considered before the disasters of the lat coalition, as too formidable? Could the authors of the ruin o Europe imagine, that parliamen would meet, and no observations b made on their fatal labours i hastening the catastrophe?

An amendment to the addres had, therefore, been prepared by opposition; and it was read in th house of lords by earl Cowper and in the house of commons by lord Henry Petty, in the followin words:

"That this house feels the deep est concern at the series of disaster which have attended the arms o your majesty's allies on the conti nent, and will, without delay, pro ceed to enquire into the cause o such disasters, as far as they may b connected with the conduct of your majesty's ministers. This house i perfectly sensible that the alarming and unexampled state of public af fairs renders the most vigorous ex ertions necessary for the preserva tion of the empire; and we feel i our peculiar duty, when we call fo these extraordinary efforts, to pro vide that the resources we furnish and the powers we confer, maj not in future be so employed as t cncrease the perils they were in tended to avert, and to aggrandiz that power to which it is the com mon interest of all Europe, as wel as of Great Britain, to set prope limits."

But this amendment, though read

See Debate, June 21, 1805, in a committee of supply on his majesty's messag

to the house of commons, brought down by the chancellor of the exchequer Juuc 19.

covery. Whether he would have submitte? long to this prescription, cannot be known, for a few days thereafter he was seized with symp. tour of fever, of that sort called Ty phus by physicians. His pulse rose to 130, and his tongue and lips were dry and furred. He was occasionally delirious, and he talked inco

in both houses of parliament, was not brought forward as a motion, on account of the indispoon of the person, who was at once must deeply interested in the defence, and best qallied to vindicate the measures of administration. Ma Pitt, as it afterwards appeared, wis, at that moment, on his death.. A report had been circulate! in therently on various subjects, but in morning of the 21st, that was dangerously ill, and this had in daad opposition to give their intentions of moving the animent they had prepared. But, the very dangerous state to which he was reduced, was far from being suspected; and that very evening, in the house of cɔmmoas, some of his most intimate friends gave it out, that he was no longer in danger, bet in a fair, though slow way of recovery.

He had left Bath, January 10, and on his arrival in the neighbour. hood of London, he took up his residence at his own house on PutDey heath. His health had been for some time in a most alarming state. He was reduced to the greatest possible weakness and extenuation, and as the functions of his stomach were greatly impaired, there seemed to be little hopes of his speedy re-establishment. A suspicion having been entertained that his complaints proceeded from some organic disorder of the stomach or liver, a consultation of physicians was held on his case, and be expressed great satisfaction at being told that they saw no reason to adopt such an opinion. He was then advised to seclude himself en tirely from business, and to abandon every other care but that of his health, and upon these terms be was flattered with hopes of re

general he was drowsy and lethargic. When spoken to, he gave a pertinent answer, but relapsed immediately into rambling or insensibility, and he was quite incapable of any rational or connected conversation; nor, whatever stories have been circulated to the contra ry, was he ever sensible of the danger of his situation. A constitution so exhausted as his had previously been, sunk rapidly under the vio lence of the fever, and early on the 23d Jan. he expired.

Thus died William Pitt, in the 47th year of his age, after having enjoyed greater power and popularity, and held the first place in the government of his country, for a longer course of years, than any former minister of England. It is not our province to enter at large into his character and merits. That he was a person of the most rare and splendid qualities, a powerful orator, a skilful debater, an expert and enlightened financier, his greatest enemies must admit. That he was disinterested with regard to money, and sincerely and ardently attached to the honour and welfare of his country, can as little be doubted. But, whether the appellation of illustrious statesman has been justly applied to him, is a question on which men may reasonably differ. The French revolution was the great event of his time, and

his conduct in regard to it is the touchstone by which posterity will try his claims to that honourable distinction. It is in vain to say, that the French revolution was an event without a precedent. It is the part of a great statesman to steer his way in safety, where there is no precedent to direct him. But though it must be always a matter of uncertainty, whether a different policy from that pursued by Mr. Pitt, would have been more fortunate than his, it cannot be denied, that a more complete failure of success than attended his eñorts to check the progress of the revolution, cannot well be imagined. Had he interfered, as Mr. Fox in his situation would probably have done, at an early period of the revolution, to prevent the great continental powers from intermeddling in the affairs of France, and disturbing the settlement of her government, the direful events that followed, might possibly have been prevented, and France, at any rate, if left to herself, could never have become such a military power as she is at present. Had he, on the other hand, followed the counsels of Mr. Burke, and taken part decidedly with the royalists, he might possibly have destroyed the republican government in its infancy, and reestablished the Bourbons on their throne. But he chose to take a "middle course, which, though commonly the safest in ordinary occur. rences, has been always found the most dangerous in great emergencies. Its effect on the present occasion was to rouse the republicans against him, without attaching the royalists to his party, and to excite an alarm among Frenchmen of all

descriptions, that his intentions we merely to weaken the power an dismember the territories of Franc His wavering and uncertain polic so unlike that of a great statesma is not, however, to be entirely a tributed to his want of original g nius, but was owing in part to h excessive love of popularity, and his habits of contemplating all ol jects with reference to their effe in parliament. If he could ne destroy French anarchy, it w something to boast of in the hou of commons, that he had taken t French sugar islands. If he cou not restore the throne of the Bou bons, he was, in some degree, sati: fied with having a new sceptre 1 place in the hands of his own sove reign. If the French armies we victorious, he comforted his cour trymen with accounts of the lowne of their funds; and argued to th conviction of his hearers, that ther could be no stability in the repul lican government because the Frenc five per cents were only at 17, whe the English three per cents we above 50. It is extraordinary, that with so little system in his operation against France, he was so pertina cious in his hostility towards her that, when he ceased to have an rational object in the war, he con tinued to be so obstinately avers to peace. The true key to this in consistency in his conduct, it ma be difficult to give; but, the fact much to be lamented; for, to th long continuance of the war, may in a great measure, be attributed a the evils that Europe suffers, or likely yet to suffer, from the arm of France.

His power as a minister was fo many years unbounded, but th

mstances attending his return ce in 1804, deprived him of pport of the ablest and most table of his frieads, and in his erd administration he was reed to shifts and difficulties to in his authority. The disas tas termination of his last coali. against France, had lessened rably, at the time of his the public confidence in his ration, but the general opi. f his merits and past services, Futtle, if at all, affected by these

Te proceed, in the next place, to 33 account of the public ho.

dered to his memory. Monday, January 27, Mr. H. s moved, in the house of "That an humble adbe presented to his majesty, his majesty will be graciously d to give directions that the of the right honourable Pat be interred at the pubresence, and that a monument red in the collegiate church * Peter, Westminster, to the Tory of it at excellent statesman, - an inscription expressive of the sense of so great and irrepae a loss; and to assure his mathat this house will make the expences attending the

Las motion was seconded by the of Titchfield, and supported ord Lovaine, Mr. I. II. e, Mr. H Addington, sir R. general Tarleton, lord , Mr. R. Ryder, Mr. Rose, Castlereagh, and Mr. Wilber. It was opposed by lord Ane, Mr. William Smith, Pytches, the marquis of ga, Mr. Windham, Mr. G.

Ponsonby, and Mr. Fox.
numbers on a division were,
For Mr. Lascelles' motion
Against it

Majority

The

258

89

169

The chief arguments for the motion, were the great merits, splendid talents, and important public services, of the eminent character to whom it related, and these points were illustrated at considerable length by some of the members who supported the motion.

It was objected, on the other side, that it was not customary to confer public honours, unless where merit had been conjoined with saccess; and, it was urged that no example, but on, could be found, where such honours had been conferred on a statesman, and in that instance (that of lord Chatham) the success as well as the merit was indisputable.

"If I were to divide (said Mr. Windham) the whole of the politi cal life of the distinguished person here spoken of, into two distinct periods, one the period before the breaking out of the French revolu'tion, and the other the period subsequent to that event, and that I were called to declare, that either separately, or both conjointly, were of a sort to call for the honours now proposed, or to justify the character ascribed in the resolution, of "An excellent Statesman," I must say, "No." I have no wish to bring forward my opinion in that respect at the present moment, but when compelled to declare my self, I must say what I think: I cannot consent to pronounce an opinion different from what I think the true cne, and thus to contribute to mis

lead

lead both the present time and posterity, on a period of our history which it is most important for them to judge rightly of. With the fullest acknowledgment, both of the talents and virtues of the eminent man in question, I do not think, from whatever cause it has proceeded, that his life has been beneficial to his country. For the earlier part of it, including the commence. ment of his power, I must contradict every principle that I ever maintained, if I said that it was so. For the succeeding period, the greatest in which a statesman was ever called to act, I cannot say that he acted his part greatly. I do not judge merely from the event; though the event, for the present purpose, might be all that need be considered. The French revolution was, indeed a storm, in which vessels the best formed, and constructed with the greatest skill, might easily founder: but, what I mean to say, is, that in my opinion the vessel was not conducted with the greatest skill, and that it is in all human probability, to the fault of the pilot, that we are to ascribe our present fearful situation!"

"Public honours, (said Mr. Fox) are matters of the highest importance, because they must more or less influence posterity. They ought not, therefore, to be conferred lightly, but only where merit is clearly seen and acknowledged. Certainly, when I look at lord Chatham's monument, when I find the inscription bearing upon the face of it, the grounds upon which this monument was voted, when I find it there stated, that he had reduced the power of France to a very low ebb, and raised the prosperity of his country to a very high

pitch, I must say that this case never be compared with that Lord Chatham. I must say, t the country at present is reduced the most dangerous and alarm situation—a situation which mi call for any thing rather than 1 nours to be conferred upon h who had the direction of the m sures that brought it to this sta In deciding upon the present qu tion, I should be unwilling to ta any one particular act of the ad nistration of the late minister, have always thought, and do s think, that an unfortunate syst of government has pervaded t whole of the present reign; and firmly believe that system to ha been the cause of all the disast and disappointments, which t country has experienced, alm uniformly, throughout the who course of it. Being of this opinio how can I conscientiously say, th he who followed this system w an "excellent statesman." Thin ing as I do of the disastrous effec of that system, I cannot but accu the late minister of having, I w not say criminally, (for the expre sion might sound in some cars t harsh) but, most unfortunate lent his brilliant talents and I commanding eloquence, to the su port of it. In having done so, a with the knowledge he must ha had of it, I esteem him the mo culpable, as without that splendo of mental endowment, which en bled him to throw a veil over t hideous deformity of the syste alluded to; I am firmly persuade that it could not have resisted t attacks made upon it, and cons quently could not have existed,ar spread its baneful influence half long. No man can be more d

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