speech, said, that a mutual confi. dence between the sovereign and his servants, appeared so indispensable to the good conduct of the public business; that when once there was so little confidence on cither side, that the ministers were reduced to demand a pledge from the king, or the king from his ministers, there was little other option than either for him to dismiss them, or for them to resign. Lord Boringdon considering that the motion included an inculpation of the king for the exercise of an undoubted perogative, could by no means assent to it, and therefore concluded a speech against it, by moving, that the house do now adjourn. Lord Sidmouth said, that neither the dispatch of the 9th February to the lord lieutenant, nor the reasoning on which it was recommended, was calculated to convey to his majesty's mind, a knowledge of its extensive import : nay, and that the wonder would have been, if it had been understood by his majesty, in any other than in a limited sense. The earl of Lauder. dale,from a retrospective view of the parliamentary conduct of the leading members of the present cabinet, concluded, that either there was no principle of cement or union among them, or that they had agreed to give up every doctrine and opinion to which they were most sacredly pledged. The present ministers, he said, had come into office in di rect violation of the principles of the constitution; and unless the house marked that act with its disap. probation, the constitution would be lost. Lord Holland observed that sir William Temple had told the king, that he doubted whether it were not a contradiction to suppose that he could make counsellors that were 2 not to counsel. Lord Mulgrave said, that if William III. or George I. had said to any of the ministers employed by them, "I have no ob. jections to your principles in gene. ral, except that I think you are at. tached to the house of Stuart; and therefore unless you give me a pledge in writing, I will not employ you as my ministers," he appre. hended there would have been no impropriety in ministers signing such a pledge. The earl of Limerick re. probated the practice of governing Ireland by a faction, and recommended not to discourage loyalty or to practise on the people for party purposes. The question being universally called for, at seven o'clock in the morning, the house divided on the motion of lord Boringdon, that the house do now adjourn. Contents Not contents 171 90 Majority 81 The same subject, or rather subjects, the circumstances that led to the removal of the late ministers from their places, and the conse quences that might be apprehended to follow, the responsiblity of the advisers of the crown, and the ca. tholic claims, the ground-work, as it were, of the whole, were again. introduced into the house of com. mons, April 15. The first branch of the marquis of Stafford's motion in the house of peers, it will be re collected, was not included in Mr. Brand's, in the house of commons. The honourable W. H. Lyttleton, after stating the reasons why he thought it necessary that the house should express its approbation of the conduct of the late ministers, moved the resolution, "That that house considering a firm and effi. cient cient administration as indispensably necessary, in the present impor. tant crisis of public affairs, had seen with the deepest regret, the late change in his majesty's councils." This motion was seconded by Mr. Hibbert, and farther supported by the honourable John W. Ward, Mr. Macdonald, Mr. Tighe, Mr. Roscoe, Sir J.Newport, Mr. Tier. ney, lord Howick, earl Percy, and Mr. Windham. It was opposed by Mr. Milnes, who concluded his speech by moving the order of the day, Mr. H. Browne, Mr. Robinson, Mr. Gore, Mr. Bankes, lord Castlereagh, Mr. Bathurst, the chanceller of the exchequer, and the master of the rolls. Among the most impressive speeches in support of the motion was that of sir John Newport, among the most convincing on the other side, was that of the master of the rolls. Sir John Newport, among a variety of remarks, observed, that when the late administration directed their attention to an amelioration of the system of education in Ireland, the first act of necessity was, to enquire into the state of those funds, which were grossly misapplied. This charge of gross misapplication be stated, not either without sufficent grounds of justification, or with any inclination to avoid the responsibility of his statement. He spoke it in the face of the noble lord opposite (Castlereagh). He charged him with having known and suffered those funds which were in tended for the support of a system of national education, to have been perverted for purposes of personal aggrandizement, and for the furtherance of the most criminal views. The evils of the misapplication were lamentably felt in the decline and de. gradation of those establishments for the uses of which those funds were originally appropriated. Funds so appropriated, were absorbed in private expenditure, calculated on as parts of the family estate, and bequeathed to the descendants as parts of the patrimonial inheri tance.*-Of these charges lord Castlereagh did not take any notice.The master of the rolls observed that many ministers had been dismissed from office, without any cause assigned, but that never until now had a minister come to par liament to complain of his sovereign. Lord Somers was removed without the shadow of a complaint; did he demand an investigation of the cause ? When the celebrated Whig administration was removed by queen Anne, did they breathe a whisper against their royal mistress in either house of parliament? In 1757, the dismissal of Mr. Pitt, and Mr. Legge, produced a great ferment. But was any thing said about that dismissal in parliament? If a minister were to secure to himself the right of enquiry into the cause of his removal, he would approximate his situation to that of a judge, or any other officer for life. Of a change in administration, These animadversions are also, with singular propriety, applicable to the existing abuses in the antient and most nobly endowed university of St. Andrew's; the present chancellor of which is lord Melville. Into those abuses it was understood, the late administration intended, had it been continued, to institute an enquiry. They were not more indifferent to office and emolument than other men. But it was certainly a fortunate circumstance for the public, that they rested, in part, their claim to acceptation and popularity, on the correction of public abuses. parliament M 2 In the mean time the Scotch judicature bill was not neglected, but after it had undergone several alter. ations, while others were in contemplation, it fell to the ground, for the present session, through the sudden prorogation of parliament. As something was thought wanting for the promotion of general edu cation in England, and to the duc administration of justice in Scotland, so something was found want. ing in Ireland, to the support of religion. A motion was made on this subject, in the house of commons, April 20th, by Mr. Wickham, who asserted that the population of IreHand was half that of South-Britain; that the number of parishes in SouthBritain exceeded 10,000, while in Ireland, the number of parishes which had been originally only 2,136, by subsequent consolidations, was, in 1791, reduced to 1,120. This reduction was highly injurious to the protestant religion and interest. In the late troubles in Irelaud, rebellion raged most violently in those districts in which the reduction had been the greatest. He then moved, "that a select com 3 mittee be appointed to take into consideration the several acts of parliament relating to the building, re-building, and keeping in repair, churches and glebe houses in Ire. land, and to the purchase of glebe houses and lands there, and requi ring certain returns to be made concerning the sufficiency, state, and condition, of such churches, for the regular performance of divine ser vice therein; together with the several reports and papers, relating thereto, and to the unions of pa rishes, that were laid before this house in the years 1803 and 1806 respectively; and that they do con. sider the said acts and papers, and examine how far the said acts, or any of them, have been found ina. dequate, and in what respect, for the purposes thereby intended; and do report the same, together with their observations and opinions thereupon, to the house." After some conversation respecting the population of Ireland, the necessity of consolidating livings in some in stances, but the enormous exten to which a consolidation of parishe and livings had been carried in others, Mr. Wickham's motion wâ agreed to, and a select committee ap pointed accordingly. Lord Hawkes bury, April 16th, having describet the circumstances of the capture d Monte Video, moved the thanks d the house of peers to brigadier general sir Samuel Auchmuty, fol that glorious achievement; ant lord Mulgrave, after a warm pand gyric, thanks in like manner to rear admiral Stirling, and the officers and men under his command.-Thes motions were carried nem. diss.On the same day lord Castlereagh, after a suitable introduction, more "that the thanks of the house d common commons be given to brigadiergeneral sir Samuel Auchmuty, for the skill and gallantry, displayed by him, in taking the important fortress of Monte Video." The military ex. cellency displayed in this achieve. ment was not less justly than eloquently and ingeniously displayed by Mr. Windham, late secretary of state, for the war department, who seconded the motion. The concluding part of Mr. Windham's speech, appears to have been prophetical. The merit of our soldiers (he aid) was greatly enhanced by the callant defence made by their opponents. At the same time that this powerful resistance enhanced the glory of the conquest, the va. four, he trusted, displayed by the Spanish troops, would inspire their countrymen in Europe, with a kindred spirit in resisting the common enemy: an enemy who, though approaching them under the mask of friendship, was more dangerous than we were, though in open hostüity. If a little of this spirit were displayed in Old Spain, it would be attended with consequences, at which all Europe would have reason to rejoice." The motion was also warmly supported by Mr. Matthew, and sir John Doyle, who had himself raised the 87th regiment, one of those engaged in the expedition against Monte Vidco.-Mr. Matthew took notice that three of the four thousand men composing the expedition, were catholics: Lord Castlereagh's motion being carried. unanimously, the thanks of the house were then also voted to bri gadier-general Lumley, and the of ficers and men; and also, to admiral Stirling, for his distinguished skiff and ability in effecting the landing; and also to the captains and officers of the fleet, for their co operation, and to the seamen and marines. On the 27th of April, the parliament was prorogued by a speech from the throne, delivered in his majesty's name, by the lord chancellor, one of his majesty's commissioners. The other two were lord Hawkesbury, and the earl of Camden. The com. missioners had it also in charge to state, that his majesty was anxious to recur to the sense of his people, while the events which had recently taken place, were yet fresh in their recollection. Thus ended a very short, and very busy parliament. * See the whole speech. CHAP. X. Fragility of Confederations.-Victorious career of Buonapurte:yet his continued offers of Peace.-Circumstances that induced him to make such offers.-Miserable state of France:-Conscripts.Campaign of Ten Days -Battles of Heilsberg and Friedland.— Pacification of Tilsit.-War with Sweden.-Evacuation of Stralsund. WHILE the British parliament WHIL was employed in debates respecting the means of quieting, or of opposing, the growing ambition of France, Buonaparte pursued his career. of conquest, triumphing over the vanity of subsidies, the futility of detachments, and expe. ditions, sent at different times, to different places, against one compacted and mighty power, and the imbecility of coufederation; and shewing to all nations, that it is on the direction, not the existence, of military force, that the issue of campaigns, and fate of empires turns. When Buonaparte was raised to the dictatorship of France, it was doubtful whether he would pursue a system of war and conquest, or of conciliation, peace, and all good arts. He was at first careful to appear in the light of a good, as well as a great man. He was solicitous to be considered as the patron of religion, good morals, the arts and sciences, and all manner of improve. ment: nor, in his own personal conduct and deportment, was he deficient in the observance of all the decencies of life. And for This what concerned France in relation to foreign countries, he professed "an emulation of only great ac tions, and useful enterprises; and was determined to perpetuate & peace, that should constitute the happiness of the French, and the happiness of humanity.* indeed would have been true policy, and true glory. And there were not a few who entertained sanguine hopes that Buonaparte would have exhibited as illustrious an example of moderation and justice, as he had done of bravery, skill, and success in war. But it soon appeared that he was actuated only by the vulgar spirit of domination, as we have al ready observed, ina former volumet which he pursued, both by arms and political intrigue. Peace was always in his mouth, war in his heart. Where the interests and the rights of men are consulted, the war may be re sorted to in cases of necessity, the uniform end is peace. When ty ranny and the lust of conquest pre vail, though peace may occasionally be made the means, the end con stantly in view is war. This sys tem, unfortunately for the nations of View of the Republic presented in the legislative body at Paris, 29d November, 1801. ↑ See Vol. XLIII, 1801, HISTORY OF EUROPE. Europe |