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magnitude than the immediate effect. But without innovation there can be no remedy against existing evils and abuses. And whatever might be the consequences of the abolition of the slave-trade in respect of commerce and political power, the natural claims of man from man were not to be weighed in the balance with any commercial or political advantages whatever. These were not considered by the British legislature and nation as commensurate objects. The common feelings of humanity roused, and directed into one channel by a "la. bour of love" on the part of one man, with patience, perseverance, and ability, for the space of twenty years, formed a generous torrent that bore down all opposition. Many of the members of the house of commons, while they declared their own sentiments to be in favour

of the abolition, declared that they were also the sentiments of their constituents, whose earnest instructions they had received on the sub. ject. The genius of human nature appeared as both a judge and advocate for the poor Africans. It seemed as if the Sire, the common parent of mankind, wrung with grief and anguish at the unequal lot, and the evils inflicted on one another by his offspring, had called with efficacy to their recollection, and touched their hearts with a sense, that they were all brethren. The emotions of the liberal and humane appeared to be perfectly in unison with those of Adam, as described by Milton in Paradise Lost, on the revelation made to him by the angel Michael, of the effects that were to flow from his original crime :

"Dire was the tossing! deep the groans! Despair
Tended the sick, busiest from couch to couch:
And over them triumphant DEATH his dart,
Shook; but delay'd to strike, though oft invok'd
With vows, as their chief good, and final hope.
Sight to deform what heart of rock could long
Dry-eyed behold? Adam could not, but wept,
Though not of woman born. Compassion quell'a
His best of man and gave him up to tears.”*

• Paradise Lost, book xi. line 490—7. The abolition of the slave-trade gave barth, as was to be expected, to the finest strains of eloquence, in both houses of jarlament. But the most impressive eloquence we ever witnessed on this subject was not that of a man, but of an inferior animal. Mr. Tw, Kensington, known for his taste, and admirable collection of antiquities and natural history, had a parrot that was newly brought home from the West Indies, by the lady of a planter, accompanied by a fenrale slave.-The animal would now and then make a noise which was an exact imitation of weeping and lamentation.-Immediately on be back of this, it would set up another kind of noise which was as exact an imita-" tion of loud laughter.-What is the meaning of this?-It is a female slave smarting under punishment; and her mistress laughing at her crying.

CHAP,

CHAP. VIII.

Motion by Mr. Whitbread for Leave to bring in a Bill for encouraging Industry and the Relief of the Poor.-Description of the Numbers and actual Condition of the Necessitous Poor in England.-Observations on the New Systems of Poor's Laws proposed by Mr. Malthus, and Mr. Arthur Young.-Principles on which Mr. Whitbread founded his Bill.-The particular Measures proposed to be adopted.-Prophetic Vision of the happy Effects that might be expected to result from their Adoption.-Compliments paid to Mr. Whitbread.-His Bill read a second time, and printed.-Sundry Observations on the Bill.-Fate of the Bill.-Motion by Lord Howick for Leave to bring in a Bill for securing to all His Majesty's Subjects the Privilege of Serving in the Army and Navy-objected to by Mr. Perceval.-The Motion agreed to, and the Bill read a first time, and ordered to be printed.-Reasons for postponing from time to time the Second Reading of the Bill.-Resolution, moved by Mr. Bankes against Granting Places or Offices in Rever sion; and carried.-Motion by Mr. Martin for an Address to His Majesty, against Granting for Life any Office that had been hitherto held during His Majesty's pleasure.-A long Debate. - The Motion carried.- Circumstances that led to a Change of Ministry, detailed by Lord Grenville in the House of Lords, and Lord Howick in that of the Commons.-Committee of Inquiry into the Propriety of permitting Sugar and Molasses to be used in Distilleries and Brex eries.-Conduct of the Marquis of Wellesley.-Freehold Estates. -Assets for Simple Contract Debts.-Administration of Justice in Scotland.-Adjournment of Parliament.

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community, and the relief and regulation of the necessitous poor." It was an assertion, he observed, now pretty generally made, that the system of our poor's laws had served to degrade those whom it was intended to exalt; to destroy the spirit of independence throughout the land; to hold up hopes which could not be realized; to encourage idleness and vice; and to produce a superfluous population, the offspring of impro vidence, and the early victims of misery and want. By the accurate returns, which had of late years been

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been laid before parliament, which were made up in 1803, it appeared that upon a population in England and Wales (exclusive of the army and navy) of 8,870,000 souls, not less than 1,231,000 were partakers of parochial relief. That is, that nearly one-seventh part of the people of England was indebted to the other six, wholly or in part, for their support; but by far the larger part of that number wholly. It was also proved, that exclusively of all collateral expence, such as army, militia, and so on, which was raised at the same time with the rate for the relief of the poor, and paid out of it, there had been raised, in the year ending at Easter 1803, for the maintenance and relief of the poor, £4,267,000, being almost double the sum raised for the same purpose, on the average of the years 1783, 1784, 1785, and nearly double the sum raised in 1776. All would agree that a remedy was imme. diately to be sought for an evil so great and so rapidly increasing.Mr. W. believed man to be born to labour, as the sparks fly upwards; that a certain portion of misery was inseparable from mortality; and that all plans for the lodging, cloth ing and feeding of all mankind, with what might be called comfort, were quite impossible in practice.-He believed that the work of Mr. Mal thus on Population had been very generally read, and that it had com. pleted that change of opinion with regard to the poor's-laws which had in some measure begun. He believed his principles to be incontrovertible. This philosopher had de livered it as his opinion, that the poor's-laws had not only failed in their object, but that they had been productive of much more wretchedVOL. XLIX.

ness than would have existed without them. But in many of the conclusions to which Mr. M. had pushed his doctrines, Mr. W. materially differed from him. Any man who read his writings, ought to place a guard over his heart, lest it should become hardened against the distresses of his fellow-creatures : lest, in learning that misery and vice must of necessity maintain a footing in the world, he should give up all attempts at their subjugation. Many persons agreeing in Mr. Mal thus's position, had wished that the whole system of the poor's-laws were expunged from our statute book. But, Mr. W. thought that no one had been bold enough to propose a total and immediate abro.. gation of the poor's-laws. Supposing the ultimate good to be certain; could the house of commons, in order to obtain it, give their consent to a measure which, in its dreadful execution, would be more widely fatal than any edict, that ever proceeded from any tyrant conqueror upon earth? which would spread famine, desolation, and death throughout the land, and consign to a premature grave infirmity, age, infancy, and innocence? The immediate abrogation of these laws was absolutely out of the question. But their gradual abolition had been suggested to be practicable. And he recollected two plans which had been laid before the public for that purpose. The one bore the name of Mr. Arthur Young. The other was suggested by Mr. Malthus himself. Mr. Young's plan, was, to take the amout of the rate raised for the relief of the poor at a given time, and to enact that it should not, on any account, be increased. But Mr. Young, as Mr. Malthus had shewn, beyond a doubt, K

had

had completely refuted himself, by anextract from his Travels in France. "The national assembly of France," says Mr. Young, "though they disapproved of the English poor-laws, still adopted their principle, and declared that the pooriad a right to pe cuniary assistance; that the assembly ought to consider such a provision

that a

one of its first and most sacred duties; and that with this view an expence ought to be incurred of 50 millions a year. But Mr. Young does not comprehend how it is possible to regard the expenditure of 50 millions a year as a sacred duty, and not to extend that 50 to 100, if necessity should demand it; the 100 to 200; the 200 to 300, and so on in the same miserable progression that had taken place in England.”—Mr. Malthus's own plan was, regulation should be made, declaring that no child born from any marriage taking place after the expiration of the law; and that no illegitimate child born two years from the same date, should ever be entitled to parish assistance.". By this measure Mr. W. observed, the poor-laws would absolutely cease after a very short period, as to the rising generation. But to what a -scene of confusion, jarring, con, tention, and suffering, would it not give birth? He was perfectly cer. tain that if the legislature could be induced to pass a law pregnant with such cruelty, within two years after the commencement of its ope. ration it must be repealed.-The poor, denied their right to support, by those who possessed property, might have recourse to the original right of occupancy. For each man born had surely a right to occupy a spot of ground unoccupied, though ke might not possess any right to the

ground occupied by another, or te any part of the fruit of his labours. But if all the land were occupied. and the poor were denied any right to assistance, might they not become a most formidable body? and what step could be taken to cure or cor. rect an evil thus improvidently created? Mr. W. could not look forward to such a situation without great apprehension and dread, nor consent to break that chain, which, with all its imperfections and dis. advantages, bound the different classes of society indissolubly to gether. If then a total and immediate abrogation of the poor-laws were out of the question, and no practicable plan presented itself for their gradual abolition, what re mained to be done?-It was not Mr. W.'s wish to get rid of the poor-laws, but he thought that by taking proper steps, they might be. come obsolete in the lapse of half a century though he would have such a code always to remain on the statute book, that there might be a sure and legal refuge, under any change of circumstances or society for indigence and distress.

The principles on which he would proceed to effect this most desirable object were these. To exalt the character of the labouring classes of the community. To give the la bourer consequence in his own eyes, and in those of his fellows. To make him a fit companion for himself, and fit to associate with civilized men, To excite him to acquire property by a prospect of tasting its sweets, and to give him inviolable security for that property when acquired. To mitigate those restraints which confined his sphere of action. To hold out a hope of reward to patient exertion. To render dependent

poverty,

poverty, in all cases, degradation in his eyes, and at all times less desirable than independent industry.--Having accomplished this first grand object, he would endeavour to lighten the burthens inevitably to be borne, by a more equal distribution. He would propose some material alterations in the mode of afording relief, and to put some of the present institutions on a more orderly footing, that it might be possible to make a distinction be. ten the criminal and the innocently necessitous poor. It would car. ry us far beyond the scale of our narrative to enter into the details of the plan proposed *. The great principle, out of which, the greater and most important part of them sprung, or to which they might be referred, was a national or general education; which was expected to extend the Tiews of men, by enlightening their understanding, to raise their aims, to quicken their industry, to purify their morals, to make them sensible to honour or dishonour; and in a

word, by making them both wiser and better, to make them less a burthen to themselves, or to the public. “Look,” said Mr. Whit bread, "at Scotland; see her enviable state with regard to her poor. That country is the theme of panegyrick amongst all who have visited her, on account of the situation of her labouring classes: and yet she has your system of poor-laws The enact ments are the same; they are still in force; they have been in general use; they may be, and are still sometimes resorted to. And time was when the state of the poor, on the other side of the Tweed and Eske, was more wretched, and their violence greater, than was almost ever known in the southern part of the island. The truth of this position Mr. W. proved from the political discourses of the celebrated Fletcher of Saltount. Now (Mr. W. continued,) the poorlaws are almost totally in disuse, and all is regularity and order. What was the day-star then which shone forth and calmed those troubles?

•These may be seen in Mr. W.'s bill, which was printed and sent to the maraes of the diferent counties in England.

+ There are at this day, 1698, in Scotland, says Mr. Fletcher, (besides a great many poor families very poorly provided for by the church boxes, and others who, Tying upon bad food, fall into divers diseases), 200,000 people begging from 4 orto door. These are not only no way advantageous, but a very great burthen to so Por a comtry. And though the number of them be perhaps double of what it was formerly, by reason of this present great distress; yet in all times there have ra quot 100,000 of these vagabonds, who have lived without any subjection to the laws of the lan I, or even to those of God, or nature. Fathers incestuously mpanying with their own daughters, the son with the mother, and the brother with the sister : no magistrate could ever discover which way one in a hundred of so wretches dies, or that ever they were bap ized. Many murders have been sovered among them, and they are not only an unspeakable oppression to poor Tents, (who if they give not bread, or some kind of provision, to perhaps forty of Apth vidas in one day, are sire to be insulted by them,; but they rob many poor people who live in houses distant from any neighbourhood. In years of plenty, many thousands of them meet together in the mountains, where they feast and riot many days; and at country weddings, markets, and other like public occasions, they are to be seen, both men and women, perpetually drunk, cursing, blaspheming, and fighting together.

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