« TrướcTiếp tục »
lands auid liberties tipon such terms and conditions its the white races may choose to grant them.
On the part of the whites, the motive was originally rinomic; but it is no longer purely so. All the available facts go to prove that, whether in the l'nited States or in Africa or (hina, the economic subjection is without (Xcrption keener and more forutal when the exploited iire black, hrown and yellow, than when they alr" white. .100 the fact that black, brown and yellow also exploit cachi either brutally whenever capitalini has created the cconomic classes of plutocrat and proletarian shoulel sulifier to put purely economic subjection out of court as the porime catise of racial inrest. For the similarity of sure fering has produced in all lands where whites rule colorcol races a certain similarity of sentiment, viz.: a racial revulsion of racial feeling. The peoples of thosc lands begin to feel and realize that they are se subjected because they arr memlers of races comeminerl its "inferior" by their Caucasinn, wverlords. The fact presented to their minds is one of race, and in terms of race do they react to it. l'ut the case 10 any Negro by way of test and the answer will make this clear.
The great World War, loy virtue of its great advertising campaign for democracy and the promises which were held out to all subject peoples, fertilized the Race (im Coutes of the Negro people into the singer of conflict with the dominant white idea of the Color Line. They took olemoeracy at its face value----which is---equality. So did the Hinduis, Egyptians and West In linns. This is what the hypocritiful advertisers of democrney had not bargained for. The American Negroes, like the other darker peoples, are presenting their checques and trying to "cash in," and delays in that process, however unavoidable to the paying tellers, are bound to beget a plentiful lack of belich in either their intention or their ability in pay. Hence the run on Democracy's bank---"thc Negro unrest" of the newspaper paragraphers.
Undoubtedly some of these newly-awakeneil Negrocs will take to Socialism and Bolshevism. But here again the reason is racial. Since they stiller racially from the world as at present orgnnized by the white rnce, some of their ablest hoolel that it is "gooed play" 10 encourage and give aid to every subversive movement within that white world which makes for its destruction "as it is." For loy its subversion they have much to gain and nothing to loose's Yet they build on their own forumentions. Parallel willi ilic dogma of Class-Consciousness they run the dogma of Racc-Consciousness. And they alig deeper. l'or thic roots of Class-Consciousness inhere in n teniporary economic order; whereas the roots of Racc-Consciousness must of necessity survive any and all changes in the cconomic order. Accepting biology as n fact, their view is the more fundamental. At any rate, it is ihat view with which the white world will have to deal.--The Now Negro, October, 1919,
Race First Versus Class First "111 the old days white people derived their knowledge of whint Negrees were deting from those Negrees who were nearest to them, Iurgely their owul selecter exponents of Negro activity or of their white point of vicw. * Today the white world is vaguely, but llisquictingly, aware thnt Negroes are awake; different. but perplexingly uncertain. Yet the white world loy which they are surrounded retains its traditional method of ir: terpreting the minss ly the Negro nenrest to themselves in affiliation or contact. The Socialist party still persists in thinking that the linrest now ipprent in the Negro masses is due to the propaganda which its paid adherents support, and believes that the unrest will function largely along the lines of Socialist political thought."
It is necessary to insist on this point today when the Socialist parts of America has secretly subsidizei bosthair magazine and it newspaper to attempt to cut into the splenrelie lidiarity which Negroes are achieving in response 10 the call of racial necessity. It is necessary 10 point out that "radical" young Negrocs may betray thc interests of ihe ince into alien hands just as stirely as "the oli crowel." for, after all, the cessence of both betrayals consists in making the racial requirements play second fiddle to the requirements dictator as best for it loy other groups with other interests to serve. The fact that one group of alien interests is described as "radical" and the other is "reactionary" is of very slight value to lis.
in the days when the Socialist Party of America was respectable, although it never crew lines of racial separation in the Nortli, it permitted those lines to be drawn in thic South. It hall 110 worri of official condemnation for the Socialists of Tennessee who prevented Theresa Mala kich in 1912 from lecturing to Negrocs on Socialisını cither in the same hall with them or in meetings of their own. It was the national office of the party which in that same presidential year refused to route lugene V. Debs in the South licealise that Grand Old Man let it be known that he would not remain silent on the race question while in the Sonith. They wanted the votes of the white South then, and were willing to betray liy silence the principles of inter-racial solidarity which they espouserl on paper.
Now, when their party has slirunk consideralıly in popular support and sentiment, they are willing to take up our cause. Well, we thank honest white people every.
where who take up our cause, but we wish them to know that we have already taken it up ourselves. While they were refusing to diagnose our case we diagnosed it ourselves, and, now that we have prescribed the remedy---Race Solidarity--they come to us with their prescription --Class Solidarity. It is too late, gentlemen! This racial alignment is all our own product, and we have no desire to turn it over to you at this late day, when we are beginning to reap its bencfits. And if you are simple enough to believe that those among us who serve your interests alcad of ours have any monopoly of intellect or information along the lines of modern learning, then you are the greater gulls indeed.
We can respect the Socialists of Scandinavin, France, Germany or lingland on their record. But your record so far docs not entitic you to the respect of those of 11s who can scc all around a subject. We say Ra First, loccause you have all along insisted on Race First and class after when you didn't need our help. We reproduce below a brief portion of your record in those piping times of pence, and ask you to cxpinin it. If you are unable to do $0, set your Inckeys to work; they may be able to do it in terms of their own "radical scientific" surface slush. The following is taken from the majority report of one of your national committees during one of your recent national conventions. It was signed by Ernest Untermann and J. Stitt Wilson, representing the West, and Joshua Wnnhope, editor of the Coll, and Robert Hunter, repre. senting the East, and it was ndopted as a portion of the party program. We learn from it that
"Race feeling is not so much a result of social as of biological evolution. It does not change cssentially with changes of economic systems. It to deeper than any class feeling and will outlast the capitalist syntem. It persists even
after race prejudice has been outgrown. It exists not because the capitalists murse it for economic reasons, but the capitalists rather have an opportunity to nurse it for economic reasons because it exists as a product of biology. It is bound 10 play a role in the economics of the future society. If it should not assert itself in open wariare under a Socialist form of society, it will nevertheless lead to a rivalry of races for expansion over the globe as a result of the play of natural and sexual selection. We may temper this race feeling by education, but we can nevir hope to extinguish it altogether (lass-consciousness must be learnell, but race consciousness is inborn and cannot b: wholly learned. A fru individuals may indulge in the luxury of ignoring race and prsing as utterly raceless humanitarians, but whole races ever.
Where races struggle for the means of lifc, racinl animosities cannot be avoided. Where working people struggle for jobs, self-preservation enforces its decrees. Economic and political considerations lead to racial fights and to legislation restricting the invasion of the white man's domain by other races."
It is well that the New Negro should know this, since it justifies him in giving you a taste of your own medicine. The writer of these lines is also a Socialist; but he refuses in this crisis of the world's history to put cither Socialison of your party above the call of his race. And he does this on the very grounds which you yourselves have given in the document quoted above. Also because h: is not a frol.
March 27th, 1920.
An Open Letter to the Socialist Parly of New York City.
licetlement: During 1917 the white leaders of the Republican party were warnerl that the Negroes of this t'lly were in a more infavorable to the success of their party 11 the polls and that this mooi was likely to last