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consist of lynching, segregation and disfranchisement, and that the Negroes of America can not preserve either their lives, their manhood or their vote (which is their political life and liberties) with these things in existence. The doctor's critics feel that America can not use the Negro people to any good effect unless they have life, liberty and manhood assured and guaranteed to them. Therefore, instead of the war for democracy making these things less necessary, it makes them more so.

"But," it may be asked, "why should not these few words be taken merely as a slip of the pen or a venial error in logic? Why all this hubbub?" It is because the so-called leaders of the first-mentioned class have already established an unsavory reputation by advocating this same surrender of life, liberty and manhood, masking their cowardice behind the pillars of war-time sacrifice? Du Bois's statement, then, is believed to mark his entrance into that class, and is accepted as a "surrender" of the principles which brought him into prominence ---and which alone kept him there.

Later, when it was learned that Du Bois was being preened for a berth in the War Department as a captainassistant (adjutant) to Major Spingarn, the words used by him in the editorial acquired a darker and more sinister significance. The two things fitted too well together as motive and self-interest.

For these reasons Du Bois is regarded much in the same way as a knight in the middle ages who had had his armor stripped from him, his arms reversed and his spurs hacked off. This ruins him as an influential person among Negroes at this time, alike whether he becomes a captain or remains an editor.

But the case has its roots much farther back than the editorial in July's Crisis. Some time ago when it was

learned that the Crisis was being investigated by the government for an alleged seditious utterance a great clamor went up, although the expression of it was not open. Negroes who dared to express their thoughts seemed to think the action tantamount to a declaration that protests against lynching, segregation and disfranchisement were outlawed by the government. But nothing was clearly understood until the conference of editors was called under the assumed auspices of Emmet Scott and Major Spingarn. Then it began to appear that these editors had not been called without a purpose. The desperate ambiguity of the language which they used in their report (in the War Department Bulletin), coupled with the fact that not one of them, upon his return would tell the people anything of the proceedings of the conference-all this made the Negroes feel less and less confidence in them and their leadership; made them (as leaders) less effective instruments for the influential control of the race's state of mind.

Now Du Bois was one of the most prominent of those editors "who were called." The responsibility, therefore, for a course of counsel which stresses the servile virtues of acquiescence and subservience falls squarely on his shoulders. The offer of a captaincy and Du Bois's flirtation with that offer following on the heels of these things seemed, even in the eyes of his associate members of the N. A. A. C. P. to afford clear proof of that which was only a suspicion before, viz: that the racial resolution of the lenders had been tampered with, and that Du Bois had been privy to something of the sort. The connection between the successive nets of the drama (May, June, July) was too clear to admit of any interpretation other than that of deliberate, cold-blooded, pürposive planning. And the connection with Spingarn seemed to suggest that

personal friendships and public faith were not good working team-mates.

For the sake of the larger usefulness of Dr. Du Bois we hope he will be able to show that he can remain as editor of the Crisis; but we fear that it will require a good deal of explaining. For, our leaders, like Caesar's wife, must be above suspicion.-July, 1918.

When the Blind Lead

In the February issue of the Crisis its editor begins a brief editorial on "Leadership," with the touching reminder that "Many a good cause has been killed by suspected leadership." How strikingly do these words bring back to us Negroes those dark days of 1918! At that time the editor of the Crisis was offering certain unique formulas of leadership that somehow didn't "take," His "Close Ranks" editorial and the subsequent slump in the stock of his leadership have again illustrated the truth long since expressed in Latin: "Descensus Averni facilis; sed revocare gradus,--hoc opus est." which, being translated, might mean that, while it's as easy as eggs for a leader to fall off the fence, it is devilishly difficult to boost him up again. In September, 1918, one could boldly say, "The Crisis says, first your Country, fhen your Rights!" Today, when the Negro people everywhere are responding to Mr. Michael Coulsen's sentiment that "it's Race, not Country, first," we find the "leader" of 1918 in the position described by Lowell in these words: "A moultin' fallen cherubim, ef he should see ye'd snicker, Thinkin' he warn't a suckemstance."

How fast time flies!

But the gist of Dr. Du Bois's editorial is the moral downfall of another great leader. "Woodrow Wilson, in

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following a great ideal of world unity, forgot all his pledges to the German people, forgot all his large words to Russia, did not hesitate to betray Gompers and his unions, and never at any single moment meant to include in his democracy twelve million of his fellow Americans, whom he categorically promised 'more than mere grudging justice, and then allowed 350 of them to be lynched during his Presidency. Under such leadership what cause could succeed?" He notes that out of the World War, with the Allies triumphant, have come Britain's brutal domination of the seas, her conquest of Persia, Arabia and Egypt, and her tremendous tyranny imposed on twothirds of Africa.

But we saw these things, as early as 1917, to be the necessary conquences of the Allies' success, when the editor of the Crisis was telling his race: "You are not fighting simply for Europe; you are fighting for the world." Was Dr. Du Bois so blind then that he couldn't see them? And if he was, is he any less blind today? In 1918 the lynchings were still going on while Dr. Du Bois was solemnly advising us to “forget our grievances,” Any one who insisted then on putting such grievances as lynchings, disfranchisement and segregation in the foreground was described by the Crisis' editor as seeking "to turn his country's tragic predicament to his own personal gain." At that time he either believed or pretended to believe every one of the empty words that flowed from Woodrow Wilson's lips, and on the basis of this belief he was willing to act as a brilliant bellwether to the rest of the flock. Unfortunately, the flock refused to follow the lost leader.

"If the blind lead the blind they will both fall into the ditch." But in this case those being led were not quite so blind as those who wanted to lead them by way of cap

taincies in the army. Which was why some captaincies were not forthcoming. The test of vision in a leader is the ability to foresee the immediate future, the necessary consequences of a course of conduct and the dependable sentiments of those whom he assumes to lead. In all these things Dr. Du Bois has failed; and neither his ungrateful attack on Emmett Scott nor his belated discovery of Wilsonian hypocrisy will, we fear, enable him to climb back into the saddle of race leadership. This is a pity, because he has rendered good service in his day. But that day is past. The magazine which he edits still remains as a splendid example of Negro journalism. But the personal primacy of its editor has departed, never to return. Other times, other men; other men, other manners.

Even the Negro people are now insisting that their leaders shall in thought and moral stamina keep ahead of, and not behind, them.

"It takes a mind like Willum's [fact!] ez big as all out

doors

To find out thet it looks like rain arter it fairly pours."

The people's spiritual appetite has changed and they are no longer enamoured of "brilliant" leaders, whose chorus is:

"A marciful Providence fashioned us holler

O' purpose that we might our principles swaller:
It can hold any quantity on 'em-the belly can-
An' bring 'em up ready fer use like the pelican."

And this is a change which we commend to the kindly consideration of all those good white friends who are out selecting Negro "leaders." It is a fact which, when carefully considered, will save them thousands of dollars in "overhead expense." The Negro leaders of the future will be expected not only to begin straight, take a moral

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