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It was the N. A. A. C. L' which was lirging 115 10 compromise our manhood by begging cagerly for “Jim Crow" training camps. And the same group is asking, in the November Cris's, that we put a collective power-of-attorney into their hands and leave it to them to shape our narional destiny. The N. A. A. C. P. has done much good work for Negroes---splendid work--in fighting lynching and segregation. For that we owe it more gratitude and good will than we owe to the entire Republican party for the last sixty years of its existence. But we cannot, even in this case', alulicate our right to shape more radical policies for ourselves. It was the realization of the need for a more radical policy than that of the N. A. A. C. P'. that called into being the Liberty League of Negro Americans. And the N. A. A. C. P., as mother, must forgive its offspring for forging farther ahead.
Then, there is the case of the New York Evening Post, of which Mr. Villard is owner. This paper was known far and wide as "a friend to Negrocs." But its friendship has given way to indifference and worse. In the good old days every lynching received cditorial condenmation. But the three great lynchings this year which preceded East St. Louis found 10 editorial of condemnation in the Post. It was more than luke-warm then. But, alack and alas ! As soon as the Negro soldiers in Houston, goaded to retaliation by gross indignities, did some shooting on their own account, the Evening Post, which had no conidemination of the conduct of the lynchers, joined the chorus of those who were screaming for “punishnient" and death. Here is its brief editorial on August 25th:
As no provocation could justify the crimes committed by mutinous Negro soldiers at Houston, Texas, so no condemnation of their conduct can be too severe. It may be that the local authorities were not wholly blameless, and that the commanding officers were at fault in not foreseeing the troublc and taking steps to guard against it. But nothing can really palliate the offence of the soldiers. They were false to their uniform; they were false to their race. In one sense, this is the most deplorable aspect of the whole riotous outbreak. It will play straight into the hands of men like Senator Vardaman who have been saying that it was dangerous to draft colored men into the army. And the fecling against having colored troops encamped in the South will be intensified. The grievous harm which they might do to their own people should have been all along in the minds of the colored soldiers, and made them doubly circumspect. They were under special obligation, in addition to their military oath, to conduct themselves so as not to bring reproach upon the Negroes as a whole, of whom they were in a sort representative. Their criminal outrage will tend to make people forget the good work donc hy other Negro soldiers. After the rigid investigation which the War Department has ordered, the men found guilty should receive the severest punishment. As for the general army policy affecting colored troops, we are glad to see that Secretary Baker appears to intend no change in his recent orders.
We ourselves cannot forget that while the question of whether the Post's editor would get a diplomatic appointnient (like some other editors) was under consideration during the first year of Woodrow Wilson's first administration, the Post pretended to believe that the President didn't know of the segregation practiced in the government departments. The N. A. A. C. P., whose letter sent out at the time is now before us, pretended to the same effect.
After viewing these expressions of frightful friendliness in our own times, we have reached the conclusion that the time has come when we should insist on being, our own best friends. We may make mistakes, of course, but we ought to be allowed to make our own inistakes-as other people are allowed to do. If friendship is to
mcan compulsory compromise foisted on 11s by kindly white people, or by cultured Negroes whose ideal is the imitation of the urbane acquiescence of these white friends, then we had better learn to look a gift horse in the mouth whenever we get the chance.---November, 1917.
Shillady Resigns Mr. John R. Slillacly.cx-sceretary of the N. .1..1. C. P'.. states in his letter of resignation that "I am less contient than heretofore of the speedy success of the association's full program and of the probability of overcoming within a reasonable period the forces opposed to Negro cuality by the means and methods which are within the association's power to employ." In this one sentence. Mr. Shillady, the worker on the insidle, puis in surve and serenely diplomatie phrase the truth, which people on the outside have long ago, perceivedl, namely, that the N. A. A. C. P. makes a joke of itself when it affects to think that lynching and the other evils which beset the Negro in the South can be abolished by simple publicity. The great weakness of the National Issociation for the Advancement of Colored perple has been and is that, whereas it aims to scruire certain results by aflecting the minds of white preople and making them friendly to it, it has no control over ihese minds and has absolutely no answer to the question, "What steps do you propose to take if these minds at which you are aiming remain unaffected? What do you poropose to do to secure life and liberty for the Negro if the wltite Southerner persists, as he has persisted for sixty years, in refusing to grant guarantees of life and liberty?" The N. A, A. (.P. has done some good and worth-while work as an organizntion of protest. But the times call for something more effective than protests addressed to the other follow's consciousness. What is needed at present. is more of the mobilizing of the Negro's political power, pocketbook power and intellectual power (which are abso: Jutcly within the Negro's own control) to do for the Negro the things which the Negro nccds to have done without depending upon or waiting for the co-operative action of white people. This co-operative action, whenever it does come, is a boon that no Negro, intelligent or unintelligent, affects to despisc. But no Negro of clear vision, whether he be a leader or not, can afford to predicate the progress of the Negro tipon such co-operative action, because it may not come.
Mr. Shillady may have seen these things. It is high time that all Negrocs see these things whether their white professional friends see them or not.--July, 1920.
Our While Friends In the good whol (Inys when the black man's highest value in the white man's cyc was that of an object of lxnevolence especially provided loy the Divine mine for calling out those tender 0111-Jusurings of charity which were so clear to the self-satisfied Caucasian--in those days the white men who fraternized with black people coule dhe so as their guides, philosophers and friends without incurring any hostility on the part of black folk. Today, however, the white man who mixes with the black brother is having a hard time of it. Somehow Ilam's offspring no longer fccls proud of being "taken up" by thic progeny of Japhet. And when the white man insists on mixing in with him the colored brother will persist in attributing ulterior motives.
What is the cause of this difference? The answer will be found only by one who refuses to wear the parochial
blinkers of Anglo-Saxon civilization and sees that the relations of the white and black race have changed and arr changing all over the workel. Such an observer would note that the innost significant face of the growing race consciousness is to be found in the inevitable second half of the word. It isn't because these darker people are motivated by race that their present state of mind constitutes it danger to Caucasian overlordship. It is because they have developed consciousness, intelligence, understanding. They have learned that the white brother is perfectly willing to love them"in their place.". They have learned that that place is one in which they are not dre develop brains and initiative, but must furnish the brawn and muscle whereby the white man's brain and initiative can take cternally the products of their brawn and muscle. There are today many white men who will befriend the Negro, who will give their dollars to his comfort and welfare, so long as the idea of what constitutes that comfort and welfare comes entirely from the white man's mind. Examples like those of Dr. Spingarı and Mr. E. D. Morel are numerous.
And not for nothing does the black man balk at the white man's "mixing in." For there are spies everywhere and the agent provocateur is abroad in the land. From Chicago conies the news by way of the Associated Press . ( white) that Dr. Jonas, who has always insisted in sticking his nose into the Negro pcoples' affairs as their guide, philosopher and friend, has been forced to confess that he is a government agent, presumably paid for things which the government would later suppress. Dr. Jonas is reported to have said that he is connected with the British secret service; but since the second year of the European war it has been rather difficult for us poor devils to tell where the American government ended and the British