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The Great War of 1914-1918 has served to liberate many new ideas undreamt of by those who rushed humanity into that bath of blood. During that, war the idea of democracy was widely advertised, especially in the English-speaking world; mainly as a convenient camouflage behind which competing imperialists 'masked their sordid aims. Even the dullest can now see that those who so loudly proclaimed and formulated the new democratic demands never had the slightest intention of extending either the limits or the applications of “democracy." Ireland and India, Egypt and Russia are still the Ithuriel's spear of the great democratic pretence. The flamboyant advertising of "democracy" has returned to plague the inventors; for the subject populations who contributed their millions in men and billions in treasure for the realization of the ideal which was flaunted before their eyes are now clamoring for their share of it. They are demanding that those who advertised democracy shall now make good. This is the main root of that great unrest which is now troubling the decrepit statesmanship of Europe and America. But the rigid lines of the old

regime will not permit the granting of these new demands. Hence the new war against democracy which expresses itself m the clever but futile attempt to outlaw the demands for fuller freedom as "sedition" and "Bolshevism."

The most serious aspect of this new situation is the racial one. The white world has been playing with the catch-words of democracy while ruthlessly ruling an overwhelming majority of black, brown and yellow peoples to whom these catchwords were never intended to apply. But these many-colored millions have taken part in the war "to make the world safe for democracy," and they are now insisting that democracy shall be made'safe for them. This, in plain English, their white overlords do not intend to concede. "The undictated development of all peoples" was, at best, intended "for white people only." Thus, white civilization is brought face to face with a crisis out of which may easily grow military conflicts of tremendous scope and, more remotely, the passing of international control out of the hands of a few white nations.

The tenseness of this new situation has been reflected here in the United States in the mental attitude of the Negro people. They have developed new ideas of their own place in the category of races and have evolved new conceptions of their powers and destiny. These ideas have quickened their race-consciousness and they are making new demands on themselves, on their lenders and on the white people in whose midst they live. These new demands apply to politics, domestic and international, to education and culture, to commerce and industry.

It seems proper that the white people of America should know what these demands are and should understand the spirit in which they are being urged. Obviously, it is

not well that they should be misrepresented and lied about. Futile fulminations about the spread of "Bolshevism" among Negroes by "agitators" will not help toward an understanding of this new phenomenon. They can but befog the issues and defer the dawning of a better day. On the other hand, the Negro people will profit by a clarified presentation of their own side of the case. It is to meet this dual need that this little book is launched. It is a compilation of some of the author's contributions to Negro journalism between 1917 and the present year and consists of selected editorials, special articles and reviews written for The Voice, The New Negro, and The Negro World. I have selected for reproduction those only which could fairly be considered as expositions of the new point of view evolved during the Great War and coming into prominence since the pence was signed. So far, this point of view has not been fully presented-- by the Negro. White men, like Messrs. Sandburg and Seligman, have essayed to interpret it to the white world. This little volume presents directly that which they would interpret..

It may seem unusual to put into permanent form the deliverances of this species of literature. But I venture to think that, as literature, they will stand the test; and I am willing to assume the risks. Besides, I feel that I owe it to my people to preserve this cross-section of their new-found soul. It was my privilege to assist in shaping some of the forms of the new consciousness; and to preserve for posterity a portion of its record has seemed a duty which should not be shirked.

It was in 1916 that I first began to hammer out some of the ideas which will be found in these pages. It was in that year that I gave up my work as a lecturer and teacher among white people to give myself exclusively to work

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