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England to his will. l'itt knew this, and so did lux and Hurke. That is why they took the side of their clistant Conneins against the Britislı king. And the Britishi liberals of today thank their memories for it. If the "crackers" of the South can fristen their yoke on the niceks of our brothers overseas, then ciod help us Negrocs in America in the years to come!
Il we were now appealing directly to the white ment of America we miglit dwell upon the moral aspects of the question. But we must leave that to others. Yet we cinnnot do so without recalling the words of a great poct :
"But man, proud man,
As make the angels weep."
But we who are still free in a measure must not wait twelve months to act. We could not do that and preserve our racial sell-respect. lior... "Whether conscious or unconscious, yet Humanity's vast
· frame Through its occant-sundered libres feels thc gush of joy
or share ; In the gain or loss of one race all the rest have cqual
When Might Makes Right.
the question of the relation between mental competence and property rights. "Docs inability to govern desirry title lov ownership?" he asks. The white race assiimties in aflirmative answer in every case in which the national property of darker and weaker races are concerned and deny it in cases in which their own national property interests are involved. It seems strange that whereas the visturbances occurring in our own southern states are never considerail sufficient to justify the elestruction of their sovereignty, on the other hand, such disturbances occurring in Hlayti or Mexico are considered a sufficient reason for invasion and conquest hy white Americans, The same is true of lingland, l'rance and Itwy. Allisturbance in Alexandria, Delhi, Ashanti or the Cameroons suffices to fix upon these territories and cities the bitgami, of inferiority and incompulence to rule themselves. The conclusion is always drawn in such cases that the white race has been called by this fortunato combination of circumstances to do the ruling for them. But similar alisturbances occurring in Wales, lissen or Marscilles would never be considered as sufficient to justify the dictator: ship of foreign powers in the interest of "law and order."
The truth is that "might makes right" in all these cases. White statesmen, however, oiten deny this at the very nioment when they are using "force without stint, force to the utmost" to establish "rights" which they claim over territories, peoples, commerce and the high seas. Their characteristic hypocrisy keeps them from telling the truth as plainly as Von Bernhardi did in his now famous book, "Germany and the Next War." Thc "sociological" reason for this hypocrisy is the fact that they need to prench "goodness," "right" and "justice" to those over whom they rule in order that their ruling niay be made
casy by the consequent good behavior of the ruled. But they themselves, however goul, inust practice ruthlessness, injustice and the rule of the strong hand to make their governance go. It is this fact which causes intelligent Negroes, Filipinos, Chinese and Egyptians to spuru with contempt the claims which Caucasian diplomats, statesmen, writers and missionaries make on behalf of their moral superiority. They lie: they know that they lie, and now they're beginning to know that we know it also. This knowlerlge on our part is a loss of prestige for them, and our actions in the future, based upon this knowledge, must neces mean a loss of power for them. Which is, after all, the essential fact.
Bolshevism in Barbados. Among the newspapers in Barbados there is a charming old lady by the name of the Barbados Standard. From time to time this fadeci creature gets worried about the signs of awakening observable in those Negroes who happen to be living in the twentieth century. Then she shakes and shivers, throws a few lits, froths at the mouth, and, spasmodically Mapping her arms, yells to all and sundry that there is "Bolshevism among Negroes."
Recully this stupid old thing and its congeners have discovered evidences of a Bolshevist R-s-y-
--revolution in Trinidad, and, presumptively, all over the British West Indies. Now the specter which these fools fcar is nothing hout the shadow cast by the dark body of their own system of stiff-necked pride, stark stupidity and stubborn injuslice whenever the sun of civic righteousness rises above the horizon of sloth and ignorance. But, like fools afraid of their own shadows, they point at the thing for which they alone are responsible and shriek for salvation.
We shouldn't care to suggest to theni that to lie down and die would be one good way to avoid these fearful shadows, because we see the possibility of another way. Let them resolve that they will cease making a lic of every promise of liberty, democracy and self-determination that they frantically made from 1914 to 1919. Let the white Englishman learn that justice exists not only for white Linglishnien, Irut for all men. Let him get off the black man's back, stand out of the black man's lighi. play the game as it should be played, and he will find very little need for wasting tons of print paper an thousands of pounds in a crusade against the specter of Bolshevismi.
A New International. In the eyes of our overlords internationalism is a thing of varying value. When Mr. Morgan wants to float a French or British loan in the United States : when Messrs. Wilson, Clemenccau, Lloyd George and Orlando want to stabilize their joint credit and commerce; when areas like the Belgian Congo are to be handed over to certain rulers without the consent of their inhabitants—then the paans. of praisc go up to the goal of "internationalism“ in the temple of "civilization." But when any portion of the world's disinherited (whether white or black) sceks to join hands with other groups in the same condition, then the lords of misrule denounce the idea of internationalism as anarchy, sedition. Bolshevism and disruptive propao ganda.
Why the difference? It is because the international linking up of peoples is a source of strength to those who are linked up. Naturally, the overlords want to strengthen themselves. Anel, quite as naturally, they wish to keep
their subject masses from strengthening themselves in the same way. Today the great world-majority, made up of black, brown and yellow peoples, are stretching out their hands to each other and developing a "consciousness of kind". is l'rofessor Gidelings would call it. They are socking to establish their own couters of diffusion for their own internationalism, and this fact is giving niglitmares 10 Downing street, the Quni (l'Orsay and other centers of white capitalist internationalism.
The object of the capitalist international is to imily and standardize the exploitation of black, brown and yellow peoples in such a way that the danger to the exploiting groups of cutting each other's throats over the spoils may be reduced 10 a minimum. Hence the various agreements, mandates and spheres of influence. Hence the League of Nations, which is notoriously not a league of the white masses, but of their gold-braided governors.
Faced by such a tendency on the part of those who bear the white man's burden for what they can get out of it, the darker peoples of the world have begun to realize that their first duty is to themselves. A similarity of suffering is procucing in them a similarity of sentiment, and the temper of that sentiment is not to be mistaken.
To the white statesmen "civilization" is identical with their own overlordship, with their right and power to victate to the darker millions what their way of life and of allegiance shall be. To this the aroused sentiment of the world's darker majority lemurs. They want to be as free as England, America or lärance. They do not wish to be "wards of the nations" of Rurope any longer. And the problem for the white statesment of the future will be to square democracy with the subjection of this dark